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THE   PIONEERS 


New  France 


NEW    ENGLAND, 


WITH    CONTEMPORARY   LETTERS  AND  DOCUMENTS. 


BY 

JAMES  FHINNEY  BAXTER,  A.M., 

AUTHOR  OF    GEORGE    CLEEVE    OF    CASCO    BAY   AND   His  TIMES  ;    THE 

BRITISH    INVASION    FROM    THE    NORTH  ;    SIR    FERDINANDO    GORGES 

AND  His  PROVINCE  OF  MAINE;   CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT,  ETC. 


ALBANY,  N.  Y. 

JOEL    MUNSELL'S    SONS,    PUBLISHERS, 
1894 


, 


••'     '  ft    - 
t>    J    J 


PREFACE. 


Some  time  ago,  while  looking  through  the  New 
England  correspondence  in  that  remarkable  deposi- 
tory of  historical  secrets  in  Fetter  Lane,  I  came 
upon  a  file  of  papers  sent  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  by 
Governor  Dummer,  in  1 725,  entitled  :  "  Thirty-one 
Papers  produced  by  Mr.  Dummer,  in  Proof  of  the 
Right  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  to  the  Lands 
between  New  England  and  Nova  Scotia,  and  of  Several 
Depredations  Committed  by  the  French  and  Indians 
o  between  1720  and  June,  1725-" 

A  perusal  of  these  papers  revealed  to  me  the  fact, 
that,  in  common  with  others,  I  had  been  misled  on 
several  points,  with  regard  to  the  complicity  of  the 
French  Jesuits  in  the  depredations  committed  upon 
the  English  frontier  settlements  by  the  savages, 
particularly  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, and  after  perusing  these  papers,  which  consti- 
tuted a  formidable  indictment  against  the  French, 
and  especially  against  Pere  Rale,  who  was  slain  at 
Norridgewock,  and  who  was,  perhaps,  the  best  known 
to  our  forefathers  of  all  the  Jesuits,  I  concluded  to 


2  Preface. 

take  copies  of  them,  and  some  while  after,  returning 
home,  I  prepared  a  brief  paper  upon  the  subjects 
which  they  involved,  and  presented  it  to  the  Maine 
Historical  Society. 

It  is  not  unusual  for  most  of  us  to  form  opinions 
more  or  less  nebulous,  upon  topics  in  which  we  have 
no  especial  interest,  and  having  done  so,  to  resent  a 
disturbance  of  them  ;  hence,  when  I  had  concluded 
my  paper,  I  was  not  surprised  to  notice  that  several 
of  my  historical  associates  were  regarding  me  over 
their  spectacles  with  mild  disapproval ;  in  fact,  some 
went  so  far  as  to  criticise  the  acts  of  our  forefathers 
in  connection  with  the  subject  of  my  paper,  with 
considerable  asperity. 

Finding  that  entirely  erroneous  opinions  prevailed 
with  regard  to  some  of  the  acts  of  these  noble  men 
of  New  England,  whose  blood  was  the  cement  which 
still  holds  our  social  structure  together,  and  whose 
memory  we  can  never  sufficiently  revere,  I  deemed  it 
only  a  duty  to  gather  all  the  facts  that  I  could,  relating 
to  the  subject  involved  in  these  documents,  and  to  lay 
them  before  their  descendants. 

My  examination  of  the  English  accounts  made  by 
participants  in  the  events  of  the  period ;  the  corre- 
spondence and  affidavits  of  eye  witnesses  to  them, 
revealed  to  me  that  none  of  them  had  doubts  of  the 


Preface.  3 

participation  of  many  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  in 
the  cruel  attempts  of  the  French  to  ruin  the  English 
settlements  in  New  England. 

That  careful  and  conscientious  historian,  Hutchin- 
son,  who  was  a  contemporary  of  the  men  who  bore 
the  brunt  of  the  conflict,  carefully  gathered  their 
testimony  and  recorded  it  with  painstaking  fidelity ; 
but  his  account  seems  of  late  to  have  been  lost  sight 
of.  The  French  archives  were  also  open  to  me,  and 
here  I  found  ample  evidence,  inaccessible  to  our 
early  writers,  to  sustain  Hutchinson;  in  fact,  there  was 
no  documentary  evidence  in  existence  to  support  any 
other  view  of  the  subject 

How,  then,  did  this  strange  change  of  sentiment 
come  about  ?  Evidently  through  a  depicting  of  the 
affair  at  Norridgewock  in  a  style  entirely  different 
from  the  plain  and  truthful  sketch  of  Hutchinson, 
which,  somewhat  later  than  his  sketch,  was  placed 
before  the  public ;  a  masterly  piece  of  delineation, 
tinged  with  a  pathos  which  easily  enlisted  the  sym- 
pathy of  any  one,  who  did  not  take  the  trouble  to  scan 
it  closely. 

This  bit  of  attractive  workmanship  bears  the  name 
of  the  Rev.  P.  F.  X.  De  Charlevoix,  S.  J.,  who  is 
mentioned  by  Governor  Shute  as  "one  Charlevoix, 
who  comes  from  the  Court  of  France  in  the  quality 


4  Preface. 

of  an  inspector,  to  make  memoirs  on  Acady  and 
Missisipe  and  the  other  countries  thereabouts." 

This  is  an  exact  and  truthful  statement  of  the 
function  of  Charlevoix,  and  he  fulfilled  it  well.  He 
gathered  together  everything  that  he  could  collect 
relating  to  events  which  had  occurred  in  New  France 
preceding  his  arrival;  journals,  letters,  and  verbal 
recitals,  and  transcribed  them  often  in  the  precise 
words  in  which  they  came  to  him,  leaving  out  an 
occasional  mot,  which  might  not  perhaps  be  pleasant 
to  those  of  his  school,  or  heightening  the  color  of 
one  which  might  be  made  to  serve  its  interests  better. 

He  never  seems  to  have  thought  of  exercising  the 
critical  faculty  in  arranging  his  material ;  to  sift  evi- 
dence, to  analyze  and  compare  statements,  nor,  in  fact, 
to  do  anything  but  to  gather  and  arrange  chrono- 
logically what  he  could  collect.  He  was  "an  In- 
spector to  make  Memoirs,"  and  he  did  his  work  and 
saved  a  good  deal  of  valuable  material  for  the  use  of 
those  coming  after  him. 

He  was  not  then  the  real  author  of  the  story  Rale's 
death.  As  it  is  easy  to  trace  most  of  his  stories  to  their 
sources,  so  this,  hardly  changed,  is  found  embodied 
in  a  letter  of  the  Rev.  Peter  de  la  Chasse,  S.  J.,  the 
superior  of  his  order  in  New  France,  printed  in  a 
collection  of  letters  entitled  :  "  Lettres  Edifiantes  et 


Preface.  5 

Curieuses,  ecrites  des  Missions  Etrangbres,  par  quel- 
ques  Missionaires  de  la  Compaignie  de  Jesus"  in  1726, 
shortly  after  the  death  of  Ral6. 

But  it  may  be  pertinent  to  ask,  how  did  the  author 
of  this  letter  obtain  his  account  of  the  transaction  ? 
The  English,  with  whom  he  had  no  communication, 
were  the  only  civilized  men  present  on  the  occasion, 
and  their  account  differs  radically  from  his.  No  one 
can  doubt  that  the  story  was  told  him  by  one  of  the 
savages,  who  fled,  panic  stricken,  almost  immediately 
upon  the  appearance  of  the  English;  possibly  the 
same  savage,  who  told  the  story,  which  we  find  in 
Vaudreuil's  report  of  the  transaction  to  the  govern- 
ment at  home.  This  certainly  cannot  be  reassuring 
even  to  a  partisan  of  the  French. 

That  the  savages,  in  common  with  other  Pagan 
people,  were  notorious  falsifiers,  is  a  proposition  which 
needs  no  discussion,  and  that  these  particular  savages 
were  such,  appears  plainly  in  the  documents  of  the 
period,  nay,  in  the  words  of  Rale  himself.  An  analysis 
of  this  romantic  story,  which  our  English  writers  have 
been  so  ready  to  adopt  in  preference  to  the  more 
commonplace  account  of  their  forefathers,  and  which 
will  probably  be  repeated  till  the  end  of  time  by 
others  as  careless  as  themselves,  shows  it  to  be  false 
in  almost  every  particular,  and  it  is  one  of  the  purposes 


6  Preface. 

of  this  book,  not  only  to  make  this  plain,  but  to  show 
that  our  forefathers  were  not  murderers  and  assassins, 
as  they  have  frequently  been  denominated,  even  by 
English  writers,  who  should  have  known  better;  but, 
in  order  to  preserve  themselves  and  those  dear  to 
them,  were  driven  to  the  necessity  of  subduing  vis  et 
armis  their  savage  neighbors,  who  were  deliberately 
incited  by  Ral6,  and  others  of  his  countrymen,  to 
make  warfare  upon  them,  and  if  in  the  course  of  this 
warfare  one  of  its  instigators  suffered,  he  should  not 
be  denominated  a  martyr,  nor  his  opponents  by  whom 
he  suffered,  murderers.  My  sole  purpose  in  writing 
the  following  pages  has  been  to  present  the  exact 
truth,  with  regard  to  all  matters  connected  with  the 
transactions  treated  therein  ;  "  To  naught  extenuate, 
naught  set  down  in  malice."  It  will  be  observed 
that  several  stories,  which  passed  current  among  the 
English  derogatory  to  Rale  I  have  passed  by  in  silence. 
In  my  opinion  it  would  be  rank  injustice  to  his  memory 
to  repeat  them,  as  they  are  wholly  unsupported  by 
proofs,  and  my  intention  has  been  to  write  nothing 
which  is  not  so  supported.  If  in  these  pages  I  have 
erred  in  any  particular,  no  one  will  be  so  ready  and 
so  glad  to  correct  the  fault  as  myself. 
JAMES  PHINNEY  BAXTER, 

6 1  Deering  Street,  Portland,  Me. 


THE 

PIONEERS  OF  NEW  FRANCE 

IN 

NEW   ENGLAND. 


The  spectator,  as  he  reviews  the  motley  company 
thronging  the  stage  of  history,  is  often  struck  by 
some  grand  figure,  or  group  of  figures,  appearing  in 
movements  of  surprising  interest,  and  acting  their 
part  with  a  force  and  fidelity,  which  excites  his  admi- 
ration, though  the  movements  in  which  they  are 
engaged  may  at  times  seem  to  him  to  run  counter  to 
the  spendid  scheme  of  the  drama  before  him. 

Among  these,  perhaps,  no  group  of  men  is  more 
strikingly  interesting  than  the  "  Blackrobes "  of 
Ignatius  Loyola,1  the  zealous,  self-sacrificing  and 

1  Don  Ifligo  Lopez  de  Recalde  de  Loyola  was 
born  in  1491,  at  the  castle  of  Loyola,  near  the  town  of 
Azcoytia,  Guipuzcoa,  in  Spain.  The  name  is  said  to 
have  been  derived  from  a  device  on  the  family  es- 
cutcheon of  two  wolves  regarding  a  pot  suspended  by 
a  chain  between  them,  with  the  words  " Lobo y  olla" 


8  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

heroic  Jesuits,  in  whom  strangely  commingled  the 
most  diverse  elements  to  form  a  character,  at  the 
same  time  admirable  and  repellant. 

or  "  The  Wolf  and  Pot''  inscribed  beneath.  He  was 
one  of  a  numerous  family  of  children  and  became, 
at  the  age  of  14,  a  page  at  the  luxurious  court  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  He  accompanied  the  king 
in  his  Portuguese,  French,  and  Moorish  wars,  and 
achieved  a  high  reputation  for  valor  and  efficiency. 
A  severe  wound  in  the  leg  in  1521,  at  which  time  he 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  French,  confined  him  to  a 
sick  bed  for  a  considerable  period,  during  which  time 
his  reflections  upon  religious  subjects  determined 
his  future  career.  When  he  regained  health  he  made 
a  pilgrimage  to  Montserrat,  assuming  the  garb  of  a 
beggar,  and  dwelling  in  a  solitary  cave,  during  which 
time  he  subjected  himself  to  fasting,  scourging,  and 
other  self-imposed  penances,  so  severe  as  to  often 
imperil  his  life.  It  was  at  this  time  that  he  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  a  religious  organization  of  a  semi- 
military  character,  with  its  headquarters  at  Jerusalem. 
It  was  not,  however,  until  September  27,  1541.  that 
a  bull  for  the  establishment  of  the  new  order,  which 
he  had  planned,  was  issued  by  Pope  Paul  the  Third. 
When  the  organization  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  was 
effected  in  the  spring  of  1541,  Loyola  was  made  its 
general,  and  he  at  once  established  himself  at  Rome, 
where  he  devoted  himself  to  the  work  of  the  order 
which  he  had  founded.  He  died  in  Rome,  July  31, 
1556,  and  was  canonized  by  Gregory  the  Fifteenth,  in 
1622,  under  the  title  of  Saint  Ignatius  de  Loyola. 
Vide  Vie  de  St.  Ignace,  Paris,  1679,  and  Ignatius 
Loyola  and  the  early  Jesuits,  London,  1871. 


in  New  England.  9 

Following  closely  upon  the  track  of  the  great  voy- 
agers, the  Jesuits  set  up  the  symbols  of  their  order 
in  the  most  hopeless  places,  and  undertook,  with  ir- 
repressible zeal,  the  sanctification  of  savage  souls, 
darkened  and  degraded  by  ages  of  besetting  super- 
stition and  vice,  and  though  the  methods  which  they 
employed  were  often  pitiably  disproportioned  to  the 
magnitude  of  a  task,  which  we  now  know  can  be  ac- 
complished only  through  the  patient  education  of 
head  and  heart,  by  processes  slow  and  painful, 
we  do  wrong  if  we  fail  to  concede  to  them  sincerity  of 
purpose,  or  deny  them  the  merit  of  having  achieved 
a  measure  of  success. 

The  Jesuits  of  the  period  of  which  we  write,  were 
a  fair  product  of  their  age ;  an  age  of  superficial 
knowledge  and  chivalrous  adventure  ;  of  childish 
superstition  and  romantic  achievement,  and  in  esti- 
mating them,  as  well  as  their  contemporaries,  who 
opposed  them,  we  should  keep  clearly  in  view  the  in- 
fluences which  surrounded  both,  and  helped  to  shape 
their  characters  and  qualify  their  acts.  The  Jesuit 
missionaries  were  pioneers  in  that  great  movement, 
which  has  already  accomplished  so  much  for  the  up- 
lifting of  mankind,  and  which,  with  a  constantly  in- 
creasing knowledge  of  proper  methods  of  work,  is 
slowly  but  surely  transforming  the  world.  When  the 


io  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

vancouriers  of  this  movement,  Biard1  and  Mass6,s  in 
the  early  summer  of  161 1,  knelt  on  the  serene  shores 
of  Port  Royal,  and  mingled  their  voices  with  the  songs 

1  Pierre  Biard  was  a  native  of  Grenoble,  and  was 
associated  with  Enemond  Mass6  until  the  capture 
of  the  colony,  which  they  had  established  at  Mount 
Desert,  by  Argal  in  1613.     He  died  while  a  chaplain 
in  the  French  army,  at  Avignon,  November  17,  1622. 

2  Enemond  Masse  was  born  at  Lyons  in  1574,  and 
before  leaving  his  native  country  was  socius  to  Father 
Coton.     He  arrived  at  Port  Royal  in  company  with 
Biard,  June  11,  1611,  and  with  his  associate  immedi- 
ately entered  upon  his  missionary  labors.     Owing  to 
constant  discord  between   the  missionaries  and  the 
governor  of  the  colony,  De  Pourtrincourt,  they  re- 
solved to  abandon  their  mission  at  Port  Royal,  and 
accordingly,  in  conjunction  with  the  Sieur  de  la  Saus- 
saye,  the  agent  of  that  great  patroness  of  missions, 
the    Marchioness   de  Guerchville,   the    lay   brother, 
Gilbert  du  Thet  and  Fathers  Quentin  and  Lalemant, 
they  planned  to  establish  a   new  mission   at  Kades- 
quit,  or  Kenduskeag,  the  present  site  of  the  city  of 
Bangor.     Coasting  along  the  shores  of  Maine,  they 
were  attracted  by  the  enchanting  scenery  of  Mount 
Desert,  and  resolved  to  go  no   further,  but  to  land 
and  establish  their  colony  there.     The  place  selected 
for  the  site  of  their  colony  they  called  St.  Saveur, 
and  they  went  vigorously  to  work,  erecting  a  small 
fort  and  several  habitations   for  the  shelter  of  the 
colonists,  about   twenty-five  in   number.     The  aban- 
donment  of  their  original  design  was   fatal   to  the 
success    of    their   enterprise,    for   they  were    hardly 
settled  in  their  new  home  when  Capt.  Samuel  Argal, 


in  New  England.  1 1 

of  the  wood  birds  in  thanks  for  the  auspicious  ending 
of  their  perilous  journey,  the  entire  continent  was 
a  wilderness,  wherein  the  gospel  was  unknown 
to  its  native  inhabitants.  These  had  seen  the  white- 
faced  European  greedy  to  despoil  them  of  their  furry 
wealth,  and  had  learned  to  distrust  him,  hence,  they 
turned  instinctively  from  this  new  variety  of  his  kind, 
whose  motives  in  seeking  them  they  were  unable  to 
comprehend ;  but  when  they  saw  the  blackrobed 
strangers  patiently  enduring  all  the  hardships  attend- 
ant upon  savage  life,  and  apparently  seeking  to 
minister  to  their  welfare,  the  scornful  indifference 
with  which  they  first  listened  to  their  despised  vis- 
itors, gave  place  to  a  vagrant  attention,  and  then  to 
a  wondering  interest,  which  often  culminated  in  a  par- 

from  the  Virginia  colony,  attacked  and  broke  up 
their  settlement.  Gilbert  du  Thet  was  killed  in  the 
fight,  and  Biard  and  Masse,  with  the  others,  made 
prisoners.  Masse  was  transported  to  France,  but 
returned  to  Canada  in  1625,  and  was  made  prisoner 
by  Kirk,  and  again  transported  across  the  ocean  ; 
but  he  returned  to  Canada  in  1633,  and  died  in  1646, 
while  on  the  way  to  confess  the  garrison  of  Fort 
Richelieu,  to  prepare  them  to  celebrate  the  feast  of 
Candlemas.  Vide  Voyages  du  Sieur  Champlain, 
Paris,  1632,  vol.  i,  pp.  98-114.  Relations  des  Jes- 
uites,  Quebec,  1858,  vol.  i,  p.  28  et passim.  Histoire 
et  Description  Generale  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  a 
Paris,  1744,  Tome,  i,  p.  416. 


12  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

tial  subjection  of  will  and  purpose  to  men,  whose 
seeming  effeminacy  had  at  first  been  offensive  to 
them.  Biard  and  Masse  were  followed  by  others, 
and  not  long  after  the  Puritans,  under  Winthrop, 
began  to  set  up  the  altars  of  their  faith  on  the  sterile 
New  England  shores,  the  Jesuits  had  already  gained 
the  ascendancy  in  New  France,  whose  southern 
borders,  yet  undefined,  were  soon  found  to  be  in 
dangerous  proximity  to  the  rapidly  advancing  Eng- 
lish colonists,  to  whom  everything  French  was  hate- 
ful. 

Race  antagonism,  which  had  existed  in  the  hearts  of 
French  and  English  alike  from  immemorial  time,  was 
quickened  as  they  drew  nearer  together  and  regarded 
the  complexion  of  each  other's  religious  faith  ;  hence 
conflict  was  a  necessity,  a  conflict  in  which  the 
weaker  natives  were  bound  to  be  ground  to  powder 
by  the  opposing  forces  between  which  they  found 
themselves.  With  all  the  hostility  of  their  race  to 
the  English,  the  French  Jesuits,  unless  we  fancy 
them  to  have  been  above  the  reach  of  human  pas- 
sions, could  hardly  be  expected  to  remain  indifferent 
spectators  to  the  encroachment  of  their  enemies 
upon  territory  wherein  they  exercised  authority,  nor  to 
refrain  from  arousing  against  them  the  jealousy  of 
their  savage  allies,  ever  ready,  upon  the  slightest 


in  New  England.  13 

cause,  to  flash  into  fury ;  nor  did  they  do  this,  but 
encouraged  them,  whenever  an  occasion  offered,  to 
repel  the  advancing  English  with  torch  and  hatchet ; 
in  fact,  we  may  largely  ascribe  to  French  machina- 
tions the  cruel  wars,  which,  in  the  latter  half  of  the 
seventeenth  and  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
turies, at  times  laid  waste  some  of  the  fairest  portions 
of  New  England,  and  subjected  her  sons  and 
daughters  to  suffering  and  death. 

A  treaty  with  the  savages  at  Casco  in  1678 
afforded  encouragement  to  the  poor  people,  who 
were  laboring  patiently  and  with  a  fortitude  not  often 
equaled,  to  build  their  humble  homes  in  the  wilder- 
ness ;  but,  it  was  a  peace  haunted  at  all  times  by 
threatening  phantoms,  which  they  felt  at  any  minute 
might  assume  substance  and  form,  and  destroy  all 
that  they  cherished  at  a  blow.  For  ten  years  of  un- 
certain peace  they  continued  to  build  and  plant, 
gaining  confidence  as  time  passed,  when  suddenly 
they  were  startled  by  the  alarm  of  war. 

In  the  spring  of  1688,  Andros,  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  visited  Pemaquid,  and  held  a  con- 
ference with  the  savages  there,  in  which  he  warned 
them  against  French  influence.  On  his  way  thither 
he  had  stopped  at  the  trading  post  of  Baron  Castin, 
which  was,  as  he  claimed,  on  English  territory,  and 


14  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

seized  a  quantity  of  merchandise.  This  act  gave  a 
keener  edge  to  Castin's  enmity  to  the  English,  and 
his  popularity  with  the  savages  caused  them  to  es- 
pouse his  cause,  hence  they  at  once  began  reprisals.1 

Wishing  to  avoid  war,  Andros  issued  a  conciliatory 
proclamation,  and  to  show  his  good  will,  proceeded 
to  liberate  a  number  of  Indian  prisoners,  hoping  that 
the  savages,  appreciating  his  magnanimous  example, 
would  release  their  English  captives,  and  come  to  an 
amicable  understanding  ;  but,  in  this  he  was  disap- 
pointed, for  disregarding  his  generous  conduct,  they 
not  only  treated  their  English  prisoners  with  great 
cruelty,  but  killed  several  of  them,  which  forced  him 
to  take  the  field  against  them. 

This  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  a  revolution 
in  England  sent  James  the  Second,  a  staunch  Papist, 
an  exile  to  France,  which  placed  the  English  colonists, 
on  account  of  their  active  sympathy  with  the  move- 
ment, to  the  eyes  of  his  French  friends,  in  the  posi- 
tion of  rebels,  and  worse  still,  of  heretical  rebels. 

With  this  feeling  pervading  the  French  court, 
Count  Frontenac,who,  seven  years  before,  had  been 
for  good  reasons  deposed  from  the  governorship  of 
New  France,  was  recalled  to  court,  where  one  of  the 

1  Vide  The  Andros  Tracts,  Boston,  1868,  vol. 
2,  p.  1 1 8. 


in  New  England.  15 

most  diabolical  plots  ever  conceived  against  a  people 
was  secretly  elaborated.  This  was  to  make  an  attack 
from  Canada  on  Albany,  and  having  seized  that 
place  to  proceed  down  the  Hudson  to  New  York, 
which,  with  the  aid  of  two  French  ships,  it  was  be- 
lieved, would  be  forced  to  speedily  surrender.  This 
accomplished,  the  heretics  were  to  be  removed  root 
and  branch  ;  their  homes  were  to  be  broken  up,  their 
property  confiscated,  and  those  who  survived  were  to 
be  driven  beyond  the  limits  of  French  rule.  If  any 
possessed  means  which  could  be  wrung  from  them 
for  ransom,  they  were  to  be  imprisoned  until  they 
purchased  their  liberty,  while  artisans  were  to  be 
held  in  captivity,  and  forced  to  labor  for  their  French 
masters.  One  class  of  persons  only  was  to  be  al- 
lowed to  remain  and  enjoy  their  property  ;  namely, 
Roman  Catholics. 

New  England  was  also  to  be  invaded,  and  of  course, 
subjected  to  a  like  fate  if  the  saints  smiled  on  the 
enterprise.1 

This  atrocious   plan   to   destroy  an  entire  people, 

1  Vide  Instruction  a  Mons.  De  Frontenac  sur  1'en- 
treprise  centre  les  Anglois,  7  Juin,  1689,  in  Collection 
de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  relatifs  a  la  Nouvelle  France. 
Quebec,  1883,  vol.  i,  p.  455  et  seq.,  and  Document- 
ary History  of  Maine,  vol.  5. 


1 6  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

said  to  have  numbered  over  seventeen  thousand, 
happy  in  the  possession  of  homes  hardly  won,  was 
carefully  elaborated  in  the  luxurious  halls  of  VCP 
sailles,  and  early  in  1689,  Frontenac  sailed  from 
Rochelle  to  carry  it  into  effect. 

It  was  late  in  the  season  when  Frontenac,  who  had 
met  with  unexpected  delays,  reached  Quebec,  where 
he  found  the  government  under  Denonville  in  a  dis- 
organized condition.  To  get  the  savages  under  con- 
trol so  as  to  use  them  against  the  English  was  his 
first  effort,  and  in  this  he  was  unsuccessful  so  far  as 
regarded  the  Iroquois  and  other  tribes  west  of  the 
English  settlements,  but  with  the  Eastern  tribes,  the 
case  was  different.  The  Jesuits  had  become  influen- 
tial in  shaping  the  affairs  of  the  government,  and 
they  exercised  a  powerful  control  over  these  tribes, 
who  were,  as  we  have  seen,  hostile  to  the  English  ; 
indeed,  if  we  may  believe  Denonville,  the  prede- 
cessor of  Frontenac,  they  had  been  encouraged  by 
Jesuit  influences  in  their  recent  outbreak  against  the 
frontier  settlers.  The  proof  of  this  appears  in  a 
letter  of  the  French  governor  to  the  king,  dated 
shortly  after  Frontenac's  arrival  at  Quebec.  In  this 
letter  he  says :  "  The  good  understanding  which  I 
have  had  with  these  savages  by  means  of  the  Jesuits, 
and  above  all  the  two  fathers,  '  the  Brothers  Bigot,' 


in  New  England.  17 

has  made  successful  all  the  attacks,  which  they  have 
made  on  the  English  this  summer,"  in  which  attacks, 
he  concludes,  "  they  have  killed  more  than  two  hun- 
dred men,"  and  this  in  a  time  of  peace  between  the 
two  nations.1 

The  Bigot  brothers 'had  established  on  the  Chau- 
diere  an  Abnaki  mission,  and  had  extended  their 
influence  into  Maine,  where  Father  Thury  had  es- 
tablished himself  on  the  Penobscot,  and  was  exer- 
cising a  powerful  control  over  the  savages  of  that 
region ;  accompanying  their  war  parties  against 
the  settlers  and  thereby  identifying  himself  with 
them. 

It  was  in  this  condition  of  affairs  that  Frontenac,  in 
the  winter  of  1690,  organized  the  scheme  intrusted  to 
him  for  exterminating  the  English  "heretics  and  trait- 
ors "  from  American  soil.  To  accomplish  this,  three 
war  parties  of  Frenchmen  and  savages  were  set  in 
motion  from  different  points  in  Canada  toward  the 
devoted  settlements;  one  to  fall  upon  Albany,  another 


1  Peres  James  and  Vincent  Bigot,  the  former  born 
in  1644,  died  in  1711  ;  the  latter  born  in  1647,  died 
in  1 720.  Vide  Histoire  et  Description  Generale  de  la 
Nouvelle  France,  &  Paris,  1744,  Tome  2,  p.  419. 
Resume  des  rapports  du  Canada  avec  les  notes  du 
ministre,  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  i,  p. 
474  et  seq. 

3 


1 8  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

upon  the  settlements  in  New  Hampshire,  and  yet 
another  upon  those  of  Maine. 

The  inhuman  atrocities  perpetrated  alike  on  men, 
women  and  children,  their  utter  disregard  of  pledges 
given  to  induce  surrender  by  the  two  first  of  these 
parties,  we  will  not  relate.  Schuyler  said,  no  pen 
could  write,  and  no  tongue  express  them.  Children 
were  thrown  alive  into  the  fire,  their  heads  dashed  in 
pieces  against  the  doorposts,  while  tortures  too 
dreadful  to  relate,  were  inflicted  upon  their  parents.1 
Who  can  wonder  that  such  cruelties  left  an  ineffac- 
able  impression  upon  the  hearts  of  the  English  set- 
tlers for  generations,  and  convinced  them,  that  self- 
preservation  alone  rendered  it  imperative  to  reduce 
the  savages  to  complete  subjection  whatever  might 
be  the  cost. 

The  party  sent  against  Maine  set  out  from  Quebec 
in  January,  led  by  Portneuf  and  Courtemanche. 
Treading  their  way  through  the  gloom  of  trackless 
forests,  and  facing  the  blinding  snows,  or  wallowing 
waist-deep  through  the  drifts  as  they  emerged  on 
the  dreary  openings,  ever  alert  for  game  to  add  to 
their  scanty  stores,  the  party  pushed  on,  and  in  May 

1  Cf.  Belknap,  Mather,  Charlevoix,  De  La  Potherie, 
Documentary  History  of  New  York  and  Schuyler's 
Report,  Feb.  15,  1690. 


in  New  England.  19 

reached  the  vicinity  of  Falmouth,  where  they  hovered 
among  the  islands  and  along  the  shores  until  ready  to 
attack  the  settlement.  Portneuf  had  been  joined  by 
Castin  and  Hertel,  the  latter,  the  leader  of  the  ruth- 
less band,  which  had  been  sent  against  the  New 
Hampshire  settlements,  and  were  now  on  their 
return  from  scenes  of  carnage,  which  had  sharpened 
their  appetite  for  the  carnival  of  blood  and  devasta- 
tion which  they  had  in  anticipation.  In  the  band 
were  the  Indians  whom  Andros  had  magnanimously 
released  from  imprisonment  at  Fort  Loyal,  and  who, 
being  acquainted  with  its  defenses,  were  valuable 
guides  to  those  now  seeking  its  destruction. 

The  attack  on  Falmouth  began  on  the  i5th  day  of 
May,  with  the  slaughter  of  Lieutenant  Clark  and  thir- 
teen men  on  Munjoy  Hill,  and  was  followed  by  an 
attack  on  Fort  Loyal,  which  resulted,  after  four  days' 
resistance,  in  the  surrender  of  Capt.  Davis  and  his 
garrison,  with  the  women  and  children,  who  had 
sought  refuge  in  the  fort.  Although  the  French 
commander  bound  himself  by  oath  before  the  sur- 
render, that  the  English  should  have  safe  conduct 
to  the  next  town,  as  soon  as  he  had  them  in  his 
power  he  abandoned  them  to  the  savages,  who  mur- 
dered men,  women  and  children  without  pity.  They 
were  "  heretics  and  traitors,"  with  whom,  in  those 


2O  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

dismal  times,  it  was  not  necessary  to  keep  faith.1 
That  this  war  against  the  English  settlers  had 
assumed  the  lurid  hue  of  a  religious  crusade  cannot 
be  doubted,  and  the  feeling  with  which  they  were 
regarded  found  frequent  expression,  as  in  the  case 
of  P&re  Gay,  who,  seeing  his  savage  neophytes  give 
way  before  Schuyler,  encouraged  them  by  shouting, 
"  You  have  at  your  head  the  Holy  Virgin ;  what  do 
you  fear  ?  We  have  to  do  with  Infidels,  who  have 
only  the  form  of  man."2 

1  Vide  Magnalia  Christi  Americana,  Hartford, 
1853,  vol.  2,  p.  603  et  seq.  Declaration  of  Syl- 
vanus  Davis,  Collections  Mass.  Hist.  Society,  3d 
series,  vol.  i,  p.  101.  Documentary  Hist,  of  N.  Y., 
vol.  2,  p.  259.  New  York  Colonial  Documents, 
vol.  IX,  p  472.  Histoire  et  Description  Generale  de 
la  Nouvelle  France,  &  Paris,  1744,  Tome,  3,  p.  78. 

"'  The  words  are  as  follows  :  "  DIEU  fut  servi  pen- 
dant toute  cette  Campaigne,  comme  si  c'avait  ete  une 
Communante  de  Religieux.  II  nefaut  pas  que 
j'oublie  la  maniere  avec  laquelle  M.  Gay,  Ecclesias- 
tique  de  la  Montagne  s'est  signale.  II  a  agi  en 
Apotre  et  en  General  d'armee.  Dans  la  seconde  sortie 
que  Ton  fit,  il  s'apergut  qu'une  partie  de  nos  gens 
lachaient  pied,  il  courut  &  eux  leur  criant :  '  Vous  ne 
faites  done  pas  reflexion,  que  vous  avez  &  votre  tete, 
la  Sainte  Vierge  que  nousavons  prise  pour  notre  pro- 
tectrice ;  que  nous  avons  dtija  regu  d'elle  tant 
de  marques  de  son  assistance,  et  qu'elle  est  votre 
bouclier  ?  Que  craignez-vous  ?  Nousavons  affaire 
&  des  infideles,  qui  n'ont  que  la  figure  d'homme ;  et 


in  New  England.  21 

Naturally,  as  Denonville  wrote  from  Quebec  a 
few  days  before  the  attack  on  Falmouth,  the  English 
regarded  all  the  French  missionaries  as  their  most 
cruel  enemies,  whom  they  would  not  suffer  among 
the  savages  who  were  contiguous  to  them.1 

While  Portneuf  and-  his  wild  band  were  stealthily 
approaching  Falmouth,  Sir  William  Phips,  adopting 
the  well-known  military  maxim,  that  by  recalling 
your  enemy  to  the  defense  of  his  own  possessions, 
you  can  best  guarantee  the  security  of  your  own, 
was  making  ready  to  strike  the  enemy  in  his  own 
home,  and  before  the  embers  of  the  devoted  town 
had  ceased  smoking,  he  had  captured  Port  Royal, 
and  making  prisoners  of  Meneval,  the  French  com- 

ne  vous  souvenez-vous  pas  que  vous  etes  les  sujets 
du  Roi  de  France,  dont  le  nom  fait  trembler  toute 
1'Europe  ? ' 

Vide  L'Heroine  Chretienne  du  Canada,  etc.,  par 
L'Abbe  Etienne  Michel  Faillon.  Villemarie,  Cher 
les  soeurs  de  la  Congregation  de  Notre  Dame,  1860, 

P-  3*7- 

1  Alluding  to  the  jealousies  existing  between  the 

English  and  French,  he  speaks  of  the  interests  of 
the  Catholic  religion,  which,  he  says,  they  will  never 
permit  to  make  any  progress  among  the  savages, 
"  regardant  tous  nos  missionnaires  come  leurs  plus 
cruels  ennemies  qu'ils  neveulent  passouffriravec  les 
Sauvages  qui  sont  &  portee  d'eulx."  Vide  Collection 
de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  Quebec,  1884,  vol.  2,  p.i  et  seq. 


22  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

mander,  and  the  garrison   under  his  command,  he 
triumphantly  carried  them  to  Boston.1 

This  success  seemed  an  especial  mark  of  divine 
providence,  and  Governor  Bradstreet  issued  a  proc- 
lamation appointing  a  day  of  fasting,  and  admonish- 
ing the  people  to  repent  of  their  sins.  So  well  were 
his  wishes  complied  with,  that  Mather  says:  "  The 
churches  kept  the  wheel  of  prayer  in  continual  mo- 
tion."3 A  naval  expedition  to  strike  at  Quebec 
itself,  the  center  of  French  power  in  America,  was 
soon  organized,  and  on  the  Qth  of  August,  the  fleet 
under  the  command  of  Phips  sailed  from  Boston,  at 
the  same  time  a  land  expedition  was  making  its  way 
from  Albany  to  strike  a  retaliatory  blow  at  Montreal. 
The  English  were  not  to  be  rooted  out  of  American 
soil  so  easily  as  the  French  king  in  his  vain  pride 
imagined  they  might  be.  Both  expeditions  were  un- 
successful. Frontenac,  the  governor  of  New  France, 
was  a  man  of  marked  ability,  and  to  his  military  skill 
and  promptitude,  as  well  as  the  natural  difficulties, 

1  Vide  Prise  du  Port  Royal  par  les  Anglois  de 
Baston.  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  2,  p. 
6  et  seq.  Lettre  de  Monsieur  de  Meneval  au  Min- 
istre,  Ibid.,  p.  10  et  seq.  A  Journal  of  the  Expedi- 
tion from  Boston  to  Port  Royal.  Chalmers'  papers, 
Harvard  College. 

3  Vide  Magnalia  Christi  Americana,  vol.  i,  p.  192. 


in  New  England.  23 

which  beset  Phips  and  Winthrop,  the  latter  of  whom 
commanded  the  land  expedition,  their  failure  was  due. 

It  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  work  to  give  a  par- 
ticular account  of  the  wars,  which  culminated  in  the 
subjugation  of  the  Eastern  tribes  by  the  English,  but 
only  to  touch  upon  a  few  points,  which  lead  toward 
this  event,  and  particularly  to  explain  the  reasons 
which  caused  the  destruction  of  Norridgewock,  the 
hotbed  of  an  influence,  which  imperilled  the  existence 
of  English  civilization  in  New  England.  From  the 
failures  of  the  expeditions  against  Canada  by  Phips 
and  Winthrop,  the  war  dragged  on  with  varying  for- 
tunes to  both  sides.  Both  were  poor  and  both  bit- 
terly hostile  to  each  other. 

While  the  French  king,  lulled  by  his  mistresses  and 
sycophants  into  thoughtlessness  of  the  terrible  im- 
port of  his  acts,  wrote  to  Frontenac  to  excite  the  sav- 
ages to  continue  their  murderous  warfare  against  the 
English  settlements,  and  ordered  presents  to  be  made 
to  them  for  their  encouragement,  he  haggled  over  the 
cost  of  the  war,  and  postponed  the  undertaking  of  his 
scheme  against  New  York,  on  account  of  the  expense 
he  had  already  sustained.1  War  parties,  however, 

1  Memoire  du  Roi  aux  Sieurs  de  Frontenac  et  de 
Champigny.  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  2, 
pp.  51-54;  Ibid.,  p.  82,  et  passim. 


24  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

of  savages  and  coureurs  de  bois,  many  of  whom  were 
half  breeds,  if  anything  more  ferocious  than  the  sav- 
ages themselves,  led  by  Frenchmen,  desolated  the 
frontier  settlements.  The  savages,  if  left  to  them- 
selves, would  soon  have  made  peace  ;  indeed,  not  long 
after  the  capture  of  Port  Royal  by  Phips,  several  of 
the  chiefs  entered  into  an  agreement  with  the  Eng- 
lish to  meet  and  arrange  a  treaty,  but  this  they  were 
not  permitted  to  do.  Presents  were  heaped  upon 
them  by  the  French  commander,  and  their  avarice 
was  excited  by  promises  of  booty,  which  would  be  to 
them  "  plus  d'avantage  qu'a  la  chasse  ;"  nor  was  this 
all ;  Father  Thury  lent  his  powerful  aid,  and  exhorted 
them  to  continue  the  war  upon  the  English,  which 
the  French  minister  had  declared  should  be  made 
11  sans  relache."1 

1 "  Comme  vostre  principal  obj&t  doibt  estre 
de  faire  la  guerre  sans  relasche  aux  Anglois,  il 
faut  que  vostre  plus  particuli&re  occupation,  soyt  de 
detourner  de  tout  aultre  employ,  les  Francois  qui 
sont  avec  vous,  surtout  de  faire  aulcun  commerce  que 
pour  leur  subsistance,  en  leur  donnant  de  vostre  part 
un  sy  bon  exemple  en  cela  qu'ils  ne  soyent  animez  que 
du  desir  de  chercher  &  faire  du  profit  sur  les  ennemis. 

Je  n'ay  aussy  rien  &  vous  recommander  plus  forte- 
ment  que  de  mettre  en  usage  tout  ce  que  vous 
pouvez  de  capacite  et  de  prudence,  affin  que  les 
Canibas  ne  s'employent  qu'a  la  guerre,  et  que  par  1'eco- 
nomie  de  ce  que  vous  avez  &  leur  fournir  ils  y  puis- 


in  New  England.  25 

It  was  in  the  dead  of  the  winter  of  1692,  that 
Thury  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  his  Christian  con- 
verts left  their  village  on  the  Penobscot  to  accomplish 
their  design  on  the  few  remaining  settlements  of 
Maine.  Soon  they  were  joined  by  a  howling  band 
from  Father  Bigot's  mission  on  the  Kennebec,  and 
for  a  month  pursued  their  difficult  way  on  snow- 
shoes  through  the  pathless  wilds,  which  lay  between 
them  and  the  doomed  settlements.  On  the  night  of 
February  4th,  while  the  candles  were  being  lighted 
in  the  rude  dwellings  of  York,  and  the  humble  cotters 
were  gathering  about  their  firesides  unsuspicious  of 
danger,  the  savages,  like  wolves,  were  crouching  in 
the  thick  woods,  which  fringed  the  slopes  of  Mount 
Agamenticus,  eager  to  spring  upon  their  prey. 

Several  of  the  houses  were  fortified  for  defense, 
and  a  watch  was  probably  kept,  which  may  have  de- 
terred the  savages  from  making  a  night  attack  ;  any- 
how, they  kept  under  cover  through  the  long,  cold 
night.  As  the  day  dawned,  the  snow  began  silently 
to  fall.  The  door  of  one  of  the  cabins  opened  and 
a  boy,  with  the  visions  of  youth  in  his  brain  and  the 
joys  of  life  all  untasted  before  him,  came  forth  with 


sent  trouver  leur  subsistance  etplus  d'avantage  qu'  j\ 
la  chasse."  Lettre  du  Roy  au  Sieur  de  Villebon, 
Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  2,  p.  83. 

4 


26  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

his  axe.  Soon  he  was  busy  at  his  task,  when  sud- 
denly he  was  seized  by  rough  hands,  forced  to  answer 
a  few  fierce  questions,  and  then  his  head  was  split  open 
with  a  hatchet,  and  he  was  left  dying  on  the  new 
fallen  snow,  while  the  savages,  dividing  into  two 
parties,  rushed  upon  the  village.  Men,  women  and 
children  were  alike  butchered,  even  infants  in  the 
cradle  were  not  spared,  says  Villebon,  approvingly.1 
The  venerable  minister  of  the  town,  the  Rev. 
Shubael  Dummer,  a  man  eminent  for  learning  and 
piety,  was  preparing  to  mount  his  horse  to  visit  in 
the  neighborhood,  when  he  was  shot  dead  at  his 
door.2  We  will  not  follow  the  harrowing  details  of 
this  affair  farther,  nor  follow  the  fortunes  of  the  war. 

1  "  Nos  Sauvages  se  sont  mis  en  action,  le  Sieur 
de  Villieu  lesya  accompagnezet  Monsieur  de  Thury. 
Ce  coup  est  tres  advantageux  parce  qu'il  rompt  tous 
les  pourparlers  de  paix  et  que  Ton  doibt  compter 
qu'il  n'y  aura  plus  de  retour  entre  nos  Sauvages  et 
les  Anglois,  qui  sont  au  desespoir  de  ce  qu'ils  ont  tu6 
jusques  aux  enfans  au  berceau."  Resume  d'une 
lettre  de  Monsieur  de  Villebon  au  Ministre.  Collec- 
tion de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  2,  p.  158. 

1  The  Rev.  Shubael  Dummer  was  born  at  Rox- 
bury,  Mass.,  Feb.  lyth,  1636,  and  graduated  at  Har- 
vard College  in  1656.  He  was  ordained  as  the  first 
settled  minister  of  York  in  1673.  He  married  the 
daughter  of  Edward  Rishworth,  and  at  the  time  of 
the  attack  on  York,  Feb.  5th,  1692,  had  faithfully  and 


in  New  England.  27 

» 

One  can  be  certain  that  the  French  missionaries 
in  Maine  were  active  in  inciting  the  savages  to  war- 
zealously  performed  his  ministerial  duties  for  nearly 
twenty  years.  When  hostilities  threatened,  it  is  said 
that  he  was  urged  to  leave  York,  but  refused,  pre- 
ferring to  share  the  dangers  of  those,  whom  he  had 
"converted  and  edified  by  his  ministry."  He  was 
just  about  mounting  his  horse  to  make  a  pastoral 
visit  in  the  neighborhood  when  he  was  shot,  and  his 
wife  and  son  taken  prisoners.  Quite  contrary  to 
their  usual  custom,  several  old  women  and  small 
children,  who  were  taken  prisoners  and  appeared 
unable  to  take  the  long  journey  to  Canada,  were  per- 
mitted to  remain  behind  alive  when  the  Indians  took 
their  departure.  Among  these  was  the  delicate  wife 
of  the  dead  minister.  Her  son,  however,  was  a  pris- 
oner, and  the  half  frantic  widow  returned  to  the  In- 
dian camp  after  her  release  to  beg  the  savages  to 
release  her  boy.  This  was  refused,  and  she  was  sent 
away;  but  motherly  affection  prompted  her  to  make 
another  attempt,  and  she  again  returned  to  beg  for 
her  son's  release.  Her  prayer  was  refused,  and  she 
was  told  that  as  she  wanted  to  be  a  prisoner  her  wish 
should  be  granted.  She  had,  therefore,  the  satis- 
faction of  accompanying  her  son;  but  the  hardships 
of  a  mid-winter  march  through  the  wilderness  without 
shelter  and  almost  without  food  were  too  severe  for 
her,  and  she  soon  died.  Mather  thus  sings  of  the 
slain  pastor  : 

DUMMER  the  shepherd  sacrificed, 
By  wolves  because  the  sheep  he  priz'd. 
The  orphans  father,  church's  light, 
The  love  of  heav'n,  of  hell  the  spight" 
Vide  Magnalia  Christi  Americana,  vol.  2,  p.  612  ct 


28  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

fare.  During  the  early  years  of  the  war,  Thury  and 
Bigot  were  especially  conspicuous  in  this  regard. 
"  The  savages,"  wrote  Tibierge,  "  in  the  river  Penta- 
goet,  have  great  confidence  in  Monsieur  Thury,  who 
has  been  a  missionary  among  them  for  eight  years. 
I  am  persuaded  that  he  is  very  necessary  in  that 
place  for  the  service  of  the  king  and  the  welfare  of 
the  nation,  and  if  it  was  desired  to  make  use  of  the 
savages  for  some  important  enterprise,  nobody  could 
be  found  who  could  better  persuade  them  than  he  to 
do  what  was  desired."1 

And  for  his  success  in  persuading  his  con- 
verts to  renew  the  war  against  the  English,  the 
French  minister  not  only  wrote  the  bishop  of 
Quebec  to  "  increase  his  pay,"  but  also  wrote 
Thury  himself,  that  he  was  glad  to  serve  him  in 
an  application  to  the  king  for  reward,  "  not  only 
for  your  zeal  and  your  application  in  your  mission, 
and  the  progress  it  has  made  in  the  advancement  of 
religion  among  the  savages,  but  also  for  your  pains 

seq.  Lettre  de  Monsieur  de  Champigny,  au  ministre, 
Oct.  5,  1692.  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  vol.  2,  p.  88 
et  seq.  Williamson's  Maine,  vol.  i,  p.  672,  and  Jour- 
nal of  Rev.  John  Pike. 

1  Vide  Memoire  sur  1'Acadie  par  Monsieur 
Tibierge.  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc,  vol.  2, 
p.  185. 


in  New  England.  29 

in  keeping  them  in  the  service  of  his  majesty,  and 
for  encouraging  them  in  expeditions  of  war."1  Proof 
is  abundant  to  show  how  completely  some  of  these 
missionaries  identified  themselves  with  their  savage 
converts  in  their  wars  against  the  border  settlers.  It 
is  a  pleasant  duty  to  recall,  that  even  in  this  hard 

1 "  Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Frontenac  nonseule- 
ment  a  rendu  tesmoniage  de  vostre  faveur  dans 
vostre  mission  —  mais  j'ay  encore  appris  par  les  lettres 
de  Monsieur  de  Villebon,  commandant  pour  Sa 
Majeste  &  1'Acadie,  et  par  la  relation  du  Sieur  du 
Villieu,  1'usage  que  vousavez  faict  pour  le  service  de 
Sa  Majeste  de  la  confiance  que  vous  este  acquise 
parmy  ces  Sauvages  pour  ayder  &  ces  officiers  & 
les  maintenir  dans  le  fidelite  du  service  de  sa 
majeste  centre  les  Anglois.  C'est  sur  ces  as- 
surances que  Monsieur  de  Frontenac,  ayant  faict 
connoistre  &  Sa  Majeste  la  consequence  de  secou- 
rir  plus  promtement  les  sauvages  du  quartier  de 
Pentagouet  et  ceulx  de  la  riviere  Ouinibequi  que 
nous  comprenons  soubs  le  nom  de  Cannibas,  et  pour 
leur  plus  grande  commodite,  Sa  Majeste  a  donne 
1'ordre  au  Sieur  de  Bonnaventure,  commandant  le 
vaisseau  VEnvieux,  d'aller  &  Pentagouet  pour  y 
discharger  la  partie  des  munitions  et  marchandises 
destinez  pour  ceulx  de  Pentagouet  et  de  Ouinibequi, 
et  les  marchandises  que  la  compagnie  a  en  ordre 
d'envoyer  aussy  pour  la  traitte  avec  eulx,  affin  qui 
ces  presens,  vous  estans  remis,  sur  vostre  recepissc 
au  pied  de  1'inventoire  par  le  dit  Sieur  de  Bonnaven- 
ture, vous  leur  en  faissiez  la  distribution  comme  il 
est  accoustume,  que  vous  vous  entendiez  avec  ledit 


3O  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

age,  there  were  men  who  realized  what  conversion 
really  meant ;  men  who  knew  that  such  men  as 

Sieur  de  Villebon,  et  que  vous  luy  envoyiez  1'estat  de 
la  distribution,  affin  qu'il  me  le  fasse  venir.  J'espere 
que  vous  voudrez  bien  continuer  de  messager  les 
sauvages  avec  la  mesme  application,  et  que  leur  fais 
ant  connoistre  1'affection  qui  Sa  Majeste  conserve 
pour  eux  par  les  secours  qu'Elle  leur  donne  et 
qu'Elle  est  dans  le  dessein  de  leur  continuer  plus 
fortement,  vous  maintiendrez  le  progrez  des  affaires 
de  la  religion  avec  eulx,  en  empeschant  qu'ils  ne  se 
communiquent  avec  les  Anglois."  Lettre  du  Min- 
istre&  Monsieur  de  Thury,  missionnaire,  a  Versailles, 
le  1 6°  Avril,  1695.  "  Les  tesmoignages  qu'on  a  ren- 
dus£  Sa  Majeste  de  I'affection  et  du  zele  du  Sieur  de 
Thury,  missionnaire  chez  les  Cannibas,  pour  son  ser- 
vice, et  particulierment  pour  1'engagement  ou  il  a 
mis  les  sauvages  de  recommencer  la  guerre  centre 
les  Anglois  avec  lesquelsills  avoient  faict  un  accode- 
ment,  m'oblige  de  vous  pryer  en  consequence  de  ce 
qu'on  a  mande  en  mesme  terns  de  sa  pauvrete,  de 
luy  faire  une  plus  fort  part  sur  les  1500  1.  de  gratiffi- 
cation  que  Sa  Majeste  accorde  pour  les  ecclesiastiques 
de  1'Acadie,  dont  celuy-cy  a  beaucoup  plus  de  besoing 
que  les  aultres  qui  sont  dans  les  endroits  ou  ils  pren- 
nent  des  dixmes  qui  sont  fut  considerables,  comme 
aux  Mines,  quoyqu'elles  ne  soyent  pas  dues."  Lettre 
du  Ministre  a  Monsieur  1'Evesque  de  Quebec,  a  Ver- 
sailles le  16  Avril,  1695.  "  Je  suis  bien  ayse  de  me 
servir  de  cette  occasion  pour  vous  dire  que  j'ay  este 
informe  non  seulment  de  vostre  zele  et  de  vostre 
application  pour  vostre  mission  et  du  progrez  qu'elle 
faict  pour  f'avancement  de  nostre  religion  avec  les 


in  New  England.  31 

Thury1  and  the  Bigots  were  blind  leaders  of  the 
blind,  countenancing,  by  their  presence  amid  scenes 

sauvages,  mais  encore  de  vos  soigns  pour  les  main- 
tenir  dans  le  service  de  Sa  Majeste,  et  pour  les  en- 
courager  aux  expeditions  de  guerre  auxquelles  elle  les 
f aict  employer"  Lettre  du  Ministre  a  Monsieur  Thury, 
a  Versailles,  le  23  Avril,  1697.  These  are  but  a  few 
selections  from  the  correspondence  in  French  ar- 
chives relating  to  Thury.  Vide  Collection  de  Manu- 
scrits,  etc.,  vol.  2,  pp.  174-5,  J79»  274»  et  passim. 

1  The  Rev.  Peter  Thury  was  a  native  of  Bayeux, 
France,  and  was  ordained  a  member  of  the  seminary 
of  Quebec,  December  21,  1677.  He  was  a  friend  of 
Castin,  and  through  his  influence  was  induced  to 
settle  at  Pentagoet  in  1687.  He  was  active  in  every 
intrigue  to  excite  the  savages  of  his  mission  against 
the  English  frontier  settlers,  whom  he  denounced  to 
them  as  heretics  and  robbers.  On  one  occasion  he 
harangued  his  savage  converts  in  these  words  :  "  My 
children  !  when  shall  the  rapacity  of  the  unsparing 
New  Englanders  cease  to  afflict  you,  and  how  long 
will  you  suffer  your  lands  to  be  violated  by  the  en- 
croaching heretics  ?  By  the  religion  I  have  taught, 
by  the  liberty  you  love,  I  exhort  you  to  resist  them. 
It  is  time  for  you  to  open  your  eyes  which  have  long 
been  shut ;  to  rise  from  your  mats  and  look  to  your 
arms  and  make  them  once  more  bright.  This  land 
belonged  to  your  fathers,  long  before  these  wicked 
men  came  over  the  great  water,  and  are  you  ready  to 
leave  the  bones  of  your  ancestors,  that  the  cattle  of 
the  heretics  may  eat  grass  on  your  graves  ?  The 
Englishmen  think  and  say  to  themselves:  '  We  have 
cannon ;  we  have  grown  strong,  while  the  redman 


32  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

of  murder  and  torture,  the  crimes  committed  by 
their  converts,  and  afterward  condoning  these  crimes 
against  humanity  by  administering  to  the  perpetra- 
tors of  them,  while  their  hands  were  still  red  with 
the  blood  of  innocent  women  and  children,  the  sacra- 
ments of  the  church  ;  men  who  had  laid  to  heart  the 
words,  "  Except  ye  turn  and  become  as  little  chil- 
dren, ye  shall  in  no  wise  enter  into  the  kingdom  of 
heaven."  Two  such  men  are  happily  recorded  as 
having  refused  absolution  to  some  individuals  en- 
gaged in  the  service  against  the  English.  These 
were  Fathers  Baudoin  and  Petit,  and  the  bishop  of 
Quebec  was  informed  by  the  French  minister,  in  a 

has  slept ;  while  they  are  lying  in  their  cabins  and  do 
not  see,  we  will  knock  them  on  the  head ;  we  will  de- 
stroy their  women  and  children,  and  then  shall  we 
possess  their  land  without  fear,  for  there  shall  be 
none  left  to  revenge  them.  My  children  !  God  com- 
mands you  to  shake  the  sleep  from  your  eyes.  The 
hatchet  must  be  cleaned  from  its  rust,  to  avenge  Him 
of^.His  enemies,  and  secure  to  you  your  rights.  Night 
and  day  a  continual  prayer  shall  ascend  to  him  for 
your  success,  an  unceasing  rosary  shall  be  observed 
till  you  return  covered  with  the  glory  of  triumph." 
He  died  at  Chebuctou  on  the  3d  of  June,  1699. 
Vide  Travels  of  Learned  Missionaries,  pp.  280,  309, 
Etat  Present,  Quebec,  pp.  12,  18  ;  Voyage  de  1'Acadie, 
pp.  54,  179;  Collections  Me.  Hist.  Society,  vol.  i,  p. 
435  et  seq.;  Taschereau's  Memoir  sur  1'Acadie. 


in  New  England.  33 

letter  from  Versailles,  that  the  king  was  very  indig- 
nant at  their  refusal  of  absolution  to  certain  persons 
because  they  were  engaged  in  the  service  against  the 
English.1 

1  F.  Michael  Baudoin  and  Mathurin  le  Petit. 
The  former  afterwards 'attempted  to  found  a  mis- 
sion among  the  Choctaws,  and  the  latter  became 
superior  of  the  Jesuits  in  Louisiana.  The  letter  of 
the  French  minister,  Ponchartrain,  is  as  follows : 
"A  Versailles,  le  8  May,  1694.  Je  suis  oblige  de  vous 
dire  que  Sa  Majeste  a  este  fort  indignee  de  la  mau- 
vaise  conduitte  des  Sieurs  Beaudoin  et  Petit,  mis- 
sionnaires  de  1'Acadie,  dans  les  choses  qui  ont  eu 
relation  &  son  service,  et  dans  la  resistance  que  Mon- 
sieur de  Villebon,  commandant  &  1'Acadie,  a  trouve 
en  cela  de  leur  part.  Elle  a  aussy  apris  qu'ils  ont 
refuse  1'absolution  &  des  particuliers,  a  cause  qu'ils 
etoient  engagez  dans  le  service  centre  les  Anglois. 
Sa  Majeste  auroit  donne  ses  ordres  pour  les  faire  re- 
tirer,  sy  elle  n'avoit  trouve  plus&  propos,  par  consid- 
eration pour  vous,  de  m'ordonner  de  vous  pryer 
d'empescher  la  continuation  de  ces  desordres  et  que 
ces  ecclesiastiques  ne  s'ingerent  point  des  affaires  qui 
concernent  le  temporel,  sy  ce  n'est  pas  1'ordre  de 
ceulx  auxquels.  Sa  Majeste  a  confie  son  authorite, 
affin  qu'en  cela  ils  soyent  soubmis  comme  ils  doyvent 
1'estre,  et  que  sy  vous  ne  croyiez  par  pouvoir  vous 
assurer  de  leur  obeissance,  vous  les  retiriez  pour  en 
mettre  d'aultres  a  leur  place."  Two  other  mission- 
aries are  mentioned  by  Tibierge,  who  evidently 
thought  more  of  teaching  the  gospel  to  the  savages 
than  inciting  them  to  war  against  their  English 
neighbors,  namely  Peres  Simon  and  Elizee.  Of  the 


34  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

We  know  that  the  reason  assigned  was  not  the  real 
cause  of  their  refusal.  The  cause  was  a  deeper  one, 
involving  the  manner  of  conducting  the  "services," 
and  the  names  of  these  two  missionaries  should  be 
held  in  grateful  remembrance.  They  were  bright 
lights  in  a  season  of  deepest  gloom,  and  without 
doubt  there  were  many  others  whose  names  are  only 
recorded  in  the  imperishable  archives  of  a  world  of 
love  and  peace. 

When  Frontenac  sailed  from  Rochelle  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1689,  he  was  accompanied  by  a  Jesuit  priest, 
who  afterward  became  famous  in  the  annals  of  New 
England,  Pere  Sebastian  Rale,  a  native  of  Franche 
Comte;  where  he  was  born  on  January  28,  1657.  As 
this  man  for  more  than  thirty  years  played  such  an 
important  part  in  the  struggle  between  the  savages 
and  the  frontier  settlers  of  New  England,  he 
will,  of  necessity,  appear  prominently  in  a  consid- 
erable portion  of  the  following  pages,  and  that 
no  injustice  may  be  done  him,  everything  thus 
far  discovered  which  he  has  written  will  be  re- 
former he  says  :  "  C'est  un  treshonneste  homme  qui 
ne  se  mesle  que  des  affaires  de  sa  mission,"  and  of 
the  latter,  that  he  is,  "un  homme  assez  retire,  ne  m'a 
pas  paru  jusque  A  present  se  meslee  que  des  fonc- 
tions  de  son  ministere."  Vide  Collection  de  Manu- 
scrits,  etc.,  vol.  2,  pp.  155  et  seq.  187. 


in  New  England.  35 

produced.  In  his  eighteenth  year,  or  according 
to  the  register  of  the  society,  on  September  24,  1675, 
Rale  entered  as  a  noviciate  the  Society  of  Jesus,  in 
the  Province  of  Lyons,  and  when,  during  the  rule  of 
Denonville,  who  was  a  zealous  friend  of  the  Jesuits, 
the  call  came  from  the'  mission  of  St.  Francis  for 
more  men,  Rale  was  an  instructor  of  Greek  in  the 
College  of  Nismes.1  He  was  a  man  of  heroic  cour- 
age, of  an  earnest  and  self-sacrificing  spirit,  possessed 
indeed  of  qualities,  which,  in  spite  of  some  of  his 
misconceptions  of  the  real  spirit  of  Christianity,  en- 
title him  to  a  measure  of  respect  and  admiration. 
He  left  France  at  the  time  when  the  feeling  against 
the  English  colonists  was  most  bitter  at  the  French 
court,  where  the  cause  of  James  the  Second  was  con- 
sidered a  holy  cause,  which  was  to  be  advanced  by 
every  means  attainable,  and  when  the  air  was  laden 
with  denunciations  of  the  heretic  colonists,  traitors 
to  their  anointed  king,  and  rebels  against  the 
Almighty. 

With  prejudices,  which  he  could  not  have  failed  to 
imbibe  against  these,  to  him  misguided  people,  active 
in  his  heart,  he  landed  in  Quebec  in  mid-autumn,  and 

1  The  dates  given  are  from  the  ancient  catalogue 
of  the  Jesuits,  and  differ  somewhat  from  those  given 
by  P6re  Martin  in  "Les  Jesuit  Martyrs  de  Canada." 


36  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

at  once  came  under  the  influence  of  the  Bigots,  who 
were  at  the  head  of  an  Abnaki  mission  largely  com- 
posed of  Indians,  whom  they  had  induced  to  leave 
Maine  after  King  Philip's  war.  It  was  among  these 
people  that  he  passed,  as  he  says,  his  missionary 
apprenticeship,  and  here  he  learned  the  Abnaki 
tongue.  This  was  no  easy  task,  but  he  applied  him- 
self to  it  with  his  usual  zeal,  and  by  persistent  inter- 
course with  the  savages  in  their  smoky  wigwams, 
subjected  to  their  rude  gibes  and  disgusting  habits 
of  life,  he  finally  acquired  facility  in  uttering  their 
harsh  gutturals,  and  threading  the  intricacies  of  their 
bewildering  idioms. 

The  bold  imagery  which  the  savages  used,  appealed 
to  his  poetic  instinct,  and  moved  him  to  admiration. 
Perhaps  transmuted  in  his  own  thought,  they  assumed 
a  beauty  not  wholly  their  own,  if  we  may  judge  from 
examples  he  has  given. 

Their  food  was  vile,  and  to  Rale,  born  in  a  coun- 
try where  cooking  was  a  fine  art,  it  seemed  impos- 
sible to  overcome  his  repugnance  to  it,  but  when  a 
greasy  savage  shrewdly  applied  one  of  his  own  sina- 
pisms to  his  sensitive  conscience,  reminding  him,  that 
the  savage  had  to  overcome  his  repugnance  to  prayer 
and  it  was  the  duty  of  a  praying  father  to  subdue  his 
prejudice  to  dogmeat,  he  gracefully  succumbed,  and 


in  New  England.  37 

thereafter  ate  whatever  came  to  the  kettle.  For  two 
years  he  lived  at  the  Abnaki  mission,  learning  in 
summer  to  traverse  with  the  savages  the  perilous 
waters  of  the  St.  Lawrence  in  their  birchen  canoes, 
and  in  winter,  the  frozen  wastes  of  that  desolate 
region,  on  their  cumbersome  snowshoes,  which  at 
first  he  thought  it  impossible  to  walk  with  ;  then 
he  took  up  his  weary  march  to  the  Illinois,  where 
others  of  his  order  had  worn  out  their  lives  in  a  task 
seemingly  too  heavy  for  human  nature  to  undertake. 

It  was  late  in  the  summer  when  Rale  set  out  with 
his  savage  guides  with  their  canoes  on  his  long  jour- 
ney ;  shooting  dangerous  rapids,  paddling  across 
great  lakes,  on  which  storms  were  as  common  as  on 
the  ocean,  and  traversing  pathless  forests  beset  with 
difficulties.  Often  he  was  ready  to  faint  with  hunger 
and  was  obliged  to  scrape  the  juiceless  lichens  from 
the  rocks  to  sustain  life. 

After  many  hardships,  as  winter  drew  near,  the  worn- 
out  missionary  reached  Mackinac,  about  seven  hun- 
dred miles  from  Quebec,  and  somewhat  more  than 
half  way  to  his  place  of  destination. 

He  could  go  no  farther,  for  winter  was  creating 
impassable  barriers  to  farther  progress,  and  he  was, 
therefore,  obliged  to  remain  here  until  spring.  Hap- 
pily he  found  at  Mackinac  two  brothers  of  his  society, 


38  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

and  their  companionship  afforded  him  much  comfort 
during  the  long  and  dreary  winter.  He  was  no  slug- 
gard, however,  and  while  here  he  applied  himself  to  a 
careful  study  of  the  people,  their  legends  and  tradi- 
tions, and  to  the  acquirement  of  the  Algonkin 
tongue. 

With  the  opening  of  spring  Rale  again  turned  his 
face  westward,  and  after  a  journey  of  about  two 
months  reached  the  Indian  town  on  the  Illinois,  the 
object  of  his  long  pilgrimage.  Here  he  was  hospi- 
tably received  by  the  Indians,  who  entertained  him  in 
their  rude  fashion,  and  whose  strange  customs  and 
modes  of  life  furnished  him  with  ample  material  for 
study  and  reflection.  For  two  years  he  devoted  him- 
self to  missionary  work  among  these  people,  and  to 
the  study  of  their  tongue,  when  he  was  again  called 
to  Quebec. 1  When  he  reached  here,  the  war,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  raging  furiously  between  the  French, 
aided  by  their  savage  allies,  and  the  people  of  New 
England,  and  Rale  was  at  once  dispatched  to  the 
Abnakis  of  Norridgewock  to  assume  charge  of  them. 
He  had  come  to  Quebec  at  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
but  had  not  been  brought  directly  in  contact  with  it. 
Now  he  was  to  face  the  detestable  English  "heretics 

lVide  Lettres  Edifiantes,  et  Curieuses,  etc.,  Paris, 
1838,  Tome  Premier,  pp.  675-692. 


in  New  England.  39 

and  traitors,"  and  to  aid  in  preventing  them  from 
sowing  the  pernicious  seeds  of  their  faith  among  the 
innocent  natives,  and  dragging  them  down  to  perdi- 
tion with  themselves. 

It  was  a  task  which  he  felt  was  worth  any  sacrifice 
and  he  undertook  it  with  alacrity;  on  the  other  hand, 
the  English  viewed  the  settlement  of  the  new  mis- 
sionary within  the  limits  of  what  they  regarded  as 
their  own  territory,  with  distrust  and  alarm,  as  they 
assuredly  had  reason  to  view  it,  judging  from  the 
misguided  efforts  of  Thury  and  others. 

We  should  err  in  supposing  Rale  absorbed  at  this 
time  with  schemes  of  warfare  upon  the  English  set- 
tlers. Without  doubt  the  uppermost  thought  in  his 
mind  was  to  build  up  his  church  in  the  midst  of  the 
savages.  To  overcome  the  material  obstacles  in  his 
path  ;  to  set  up  a  chapel  in  the  wilderness,  and  get 
about  him  the  mere  accessories  of  worship,  to  say 
nothing  of  bending  the  savage  mind  to  a  favorable 
regard  of  his  efforts,  was  labor  enough  to  occupy  him 
for  a  considerable  time,  and  he  seems  to  have  given 
himself  up  to  the  work  with  his  usual  industry  and 
zeal. 

In  due  time  he  had  a  chapel  erected  and  furnished 
with  the  required  appendages  of  the  worship  to 
which  he  was  devoted  ;  indeed,  we  are  told  that  his 


40  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

chapel  was  adorned  with  considerable  taste,  the  re- 
sult of  his  own  skillful  handiwork. 

While  Rale  was  engaged  in  these  labors,  and  es- 
tablishing himself  in  the  favor  of  the  savages  of 
Norridgewock,  the  war  between  England  and  France 
was  drawing  to  a  close.  Thury,  his  co-laborer  on  the 
Penobscot,  was  actively  employed  during  the  closing 
scenes  of  the  war  in  encouraging  his  neophytes  to 
deeds  of  blood,  and  with  them,  those  of  Rale  were 
joined.  While  no  written  evidence  exists  to  show 
his  complicity  with  Thury  in  exciting  the  savages 
against  them  at  this  time,  the  English  fully  believed 
that  he  was  equally  responsible  with  his  co-laborer, 
and  a  bitter  feeling  of  hostility  soon  prevailed  against 
him. 

It  was  believed  in  Versailles  that  Boston  might  be 
captured,  and  a  plan  of  attack  was  formulated,  in 
which  Castin  was  mentioned  as  the  leader  of  the 
savages,  as  well  as  the  Sieur  de  Thury,  their  mission- 
ary.1 In  view  of  this  attack,  small  parties  of  savages 

1 "  Les  Canadiens  s'embarqueront  sur  les  vaisseaux 
et  il  sera  au  choix  des  Sauvages  de  s'y  embarquer  ou 
de  faire  ce  chemin  en  canots  le  long  des  costes  qui 
de  Pentagouet  se  continuent  et  se  terminent  &  cette 
baye.  Et  comme  le  Sieur  de  St.  Castin  ne  man- 
quera  pas  de  se  mettre  dans  son  canot  4  leur  teste, 
comme  ila  faict  &  1'enterprise  de  Pemkuit,  aussi  bien 


BELL  OF  RALE'S  CHAPEL  AT  NORRIDGEWOCK. 

Found  in  1808  under  a  decayed  hemlock,  where 

it  had  been  concealed.     Now  in  possession 

of  the  Maine  Historical  Society. 


in  New  England.  41 

were  sent  out,  and  for  sometime  prowled  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  town.  In  August,  Thury  was  at  Fort 
St.  John  and  reported  to  Tibierge,  that  the  savages 
of  his  mission  and  those  of  the  Kennebec  had  been 
in  several  parties  about  Boston,  and  killed  much 
people,  "  beaucoup  de-  monde,"  and  that  one  party 
had  taken  a  prisoner  and  burned  him  "  a  la  maniere 
des  Iroquois,"  and  that  they  had  resolved  to  give  no 
quarter  to  any  of  the  English  who  fell  into  their 
hands.1  Such  was  the  character  of  the  war  waged 

que  le  Sieur  Thury  leur  missionnaire."  Memoire 
sur  1'enterprise  de  Baston  a  Versailles,  le  2ist  Avril, 
1697. 

JAu  FORT  ST.  JEAN. 

le  20  Aoust,  1697. 
MONSIEUR  : 

Monsieur  Thury  est  arrive  ce  soir  au  fort  venant 
de  Pentagouet.  II  dit  que  les  Sauvages  de  sa  mission 
et  ceulx  de  Quinibiquy  ayant  este  cet  este  en  plusieurs 
parties  autour  de  Boston,  y  avoient  tue  beaucoup  de 
monde,  et  qu'un  party,  entr'aultres,  ayant  faict  un 
prisonnier,  ils  1  avoient  interroge  pour  avoir  des  nou- 
velles  : — que  les  Sauvages  avoient  ensuitte  brusle  leur 
prisonnier  4  la  maniere  des  Iroquois,  (c'est  le  premier 
qu'ils  ayent  brusle).  Ils  ont  resolu  de  ne  donner  de 
quartier  &  aulcun  des  Anglois  qui  leur  tomberont 
entre  le  mains." 

Lettre  du  Sieur  Tibierge  a  Monsieur  le  Comte  de 
Frontenac.  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  2, 
p.  286. 

6 


42  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

by  the  French  against  the  English,  and  which  Charle- 
voix  so  complacently  regards.  Fortunately  after 
raging  for  ten  years,  a  "  Decennium  Luctuosum  "  as 
designated  by  Mather,  it  came  to  a  close,  a  treaty  of 
peace  having  been  concluded  between  France  and 
England  at  Ryswick,  Sept.  20,  1697,  and  the  New 
England  settlers  were  again  enabled  to  cultivate  the 
arts  of  peace  for  a  short  season  ;  but  only  for  a  short 
season.  The  French  were  not  willing  that  the  Eng- 
lish should  establish  friendly  relations  with  their 
savage  neighbors  even  after  the  conclusion  of  peace, 
and  made  efforts  to  prevent  them  from  so  doing. 

Villebon  was  commended  by  the  French  minister 
for  writing  to  the  Jesuit  fathers  of  the  Maine  mis- 
sions, to  notify  the  chiefs  of  the  savages  not  to  hold 
any  communication  with  the  English  governor,  nor 
any  one  representing  him.1 

In  such  a  condition  of  affairs,  peace  could  not  long 
continue  ;  indeed,  the  French  began  at  once  a  careful 
study  of  the  English  towns  and  their  means  of  de- 

1  "Vous  avez  bien  fait  d'ecrire  aux  P&res  Jesuites, 
qui  sont  en  mission  aux  Sauvages  de  Quinibequi, 
d'avertir  les  chefs  de  ces  Sauvages  d  'n'avore  aucune 
communication  avec  Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Bella- 
mont,  n'y  personne  de  sa  part."  Lettre  du  Ministre 
a  Monsieur  Villebon.  A  Versailles,  le  9°  Avril,  1700. 
Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  2,  p.  334. 


in  New  England.  43 

fense,  with  a  view  to  future  war,  and  careful  cal- 
culations of  the  number  of  savages  as  well  as  of  their 
own  people,  who  could  be  sent  against  them,  were 
forwarded  to  the  French  king.  The  boundaries  be- 
tween New  England  and  Acadia,  which  had  been 
ceded  to  the  French,  were  still  in  dispute,  and  this  in 
itself  was  a  sufficient  cause  for  conflict.  The  attitude 
of  the  French  in  preventing  intercourse  between 
them  and  the  savages,  was  also  irritating  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  increased  their  hostility  to  the  French 
Jesuits,  who,  they  knew,  were  instrumental  in  keeping 
alive  the  jealousy  of  the  savages  against  them. 

So  intense  did  this  feeling  become,  that  the  Gen- 
eral Court  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  summer  of  1 700, 
passed  an  act  to  expel  the  Jesuits  from  the  province. 
And  Governor  Stoughton  wrote  to  the  Lords  Com- 
missioners :  "I  crave  leave  further  to  observe  to 
yor  Lordps,  the  present  repose  and  quiet  of  this  his 
Matys  Province  after  the  late  Alarm  of  troubles 
threatened  to  Arise  from  the  Indians  by  a  fresh  In- 
surrection &  breaking  forth  in  open  hostility.  And 
how  necessary  it  is  in  order  to  ye  continuance  of  this 
quiet  that  the  French  Priests  and  Missionaries  be 
removed  from  their  residence  among  them,  the  In- 
dians taking  measures  from  their  evil  counsels  and 
Suggestions,  and  are  bigotted  in  their  zeal  to  their 


44  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

pernicious  and  damnable  principles.  But  the  re- 
moval of  these  Incendiaries  is  rendered  difficult 
whilst  the  Claims  and  pretensions  to  the  Boundaries 
of  Territory  and  Dominion  betwixt  the  English  and 
French  are  depending  undetermined,  or  at  least  the 
determination  not  known  in  the  Plantation."1 

Dudley,  who  succeeded  to  the  government  of 
Massachusetts  in  1702,  found  sufficient  cause  for 
alarm,  and  at  once  sought  to  establish  friendly  rela- 
tions with  the  savages.  A  conference  was  accord- 
ingly appointed  at  Casco,  and,  on  June  20,  1703,  a 
large  body  of  savages  assembled  at  the  appointed 
place,  led  by  their  chief  sagamores,  viz. :  Moxus  and 
Hopegood  from  Norridgewock ;  Wanungunt  and 
Wanadugunbuent  from  the  Penobscot ;  Bomazeen 
and  Capt.  Samuel  from  the  Kennebec.  Besides 
these  came  Mesambomett  and  Wexar  from  the  An 
droscoggin,  with  a  flotilla  of  sixty-five  canoes,  con- 

1  A  still  more  stringent  law  was  passed  by  the 
legislature  of  New  York,  namely,  to  hang  every 
Popish  priest  who  came  into  the  province.  Smith, 
the  historian  of  New  York,  declares  this  law  to  be 
one  which  "  ought  forever  to  remain  in  force,"  being, 
says  Bancroft,  ''wholly  unconscious  of  the  true  nature 
of  his  remark."  Vide  Bancroft's  History  of  the  U. 
S.,  ed.  1841,  vol.  3,  p.  193,  also  Letter  of  Wm.  Stough- 
ton,  Dec.  2oth,  1700,  in  B.  T.  New  England,  vol.  n, 
I.  15,  Office  of  the  Public  Records,  London. 


in  New  England.  45 

taining  two  hundred  and  fifty  painted  savages,  all 
armed,  a  formidable  array  of  wild  men,  which  caused 
some  trepidation  among  the  people  of  the  vicinity. 

Under  a  tent,  near  the  fort  at  New  Casco,  sur- 
rounded by  his  officers,  and  the  gentlemen  who  had 
accompanied  him  from  Boston,  Governor  Dudley, 
arrayed  in  the  brilliant  uniform  of  a  British  officer, 
received  the  savage  chiefs,  and,  after  the  proper  sal- 
utations, he  informed  them,  that  being  "  commis- 
sioned by  the  great  and  victorious  Queen  of  England, 
he  came  to  visit  them  as  his  friends  and  brethren, 
and  to  reconcile  whatever  differences  had  happened 
since  the  last  treaty." 

To  this  the  orator  of  the  savages  replied :  "  We 
thank  you  good  brother  for  coming  so  far  to  talk 
with  us.  The  clouds  fly  and  darken,  but  we  still 
sing  with  love  the  songs  of  peace.  Believe  my 
words ;  so  far  as  the  sun  is  above  the  earth  are  our 
thoughts  from  war,  or  the  least  rupture  between  us." 

In  testimony  of  their  sincerity,  they  presented  the 
governor  with  a  belt  of  wampum,  and  invited  him 
to  two  heaps  of  stones  which  had  been  erected  upon  a 
former  occasion,  and  which  had  been  named  the  two 
brothers.  Here  both  parties  solemnly  renewed  their 
pledge  of  amity  by  adding  more  stones  to  these 
pillars  of  witness.  This  ceremony  terminated,  guns 


46  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

were  discharged  by  both  parties,  the  savages  danc- 
ing, singing  and  uttering  wild  acclamations  of  joy. 

Negotiations  were  then  entered  into  respecting 
trading-houses,  the  price  of  commodities,  and  the 
employment  of  an  armorer  by  the  English  to  repair 
the  guns  of  the  savages  ;  presents  were  exchanged, 
and,  says  Penhallow,  "everything  looked  with  a 
promising  aspect  of  a  settled  peace.  And  that 
which  afterward  seemed  to  confirm  it,  was  the  com- 
ing in  of  Captain  Bomazeen  and  Captain  Samuel, 
who  informed  that  several  missionaries  from  the 
Friars  were  lately  come  among  them,  who  endeav- 
ored to  break  the  union  and  seduce  them  from  their 
allegiance  to  the  Crown  of  England,  but  had  made 
no  impression  on  them,  for  that  they  were  as  firm  as 
the  mountains,  and  should  continue  so  as  long  as  the 
sun  and  moon  endured." 

This  action  of  the  savages  was  reassuring  to  the 
colonists,  some  of  whom,  alarmed  at  the  threatening 
aspect  of  affairs,  were  preparing  to  abandon  their 
frontier  homes,  and  they  permitted  themselves  to 
enjoy  for  a  time  a  feeling  of  security  ;  but  the  story 
of  Bomazeen  and  Samuel,  relative  to  their  rejection 
of  the  counsels  of  the  French  missionaries,  was  only 
intended  to  deceive  them,  and  was  invented  for  the 
occasion ;  at  the  same  time,  it  shows  the  part  which 


in  New  England.  47 

both  parties  understood  was  played  by  the  French 
missionaries. 

Rale  had  accompanied  his  neophytes  to  the  con- 
ference, but  did  not  intend  to  show  himself  to  the 
English.  He  tells  us,  however,  that  by  the  precipi- 
tate landing  of  the  savages,  he  found  himself,  to  his 
chagrin,  in  the  presence  of  the  governor,  who,  per- 
ceiving him,  came  forward  and  saluted  him.  The 
governor,  he  proceeds,  addressed  the  savages,  telling 
them  that  the  Queen  desired  them  and  the  English 
to  live  at  peace ;  that  he  would  see  that  justice  was 
rendered  them  if  they  should  suffer  any  wrong,  and 
advised  them  to  remain  neutral  and  not  to  join  the 
French  in  case  of  war  between  the  two  crowns ;  but, 
says  Rale,  "  my  presence  hindered  him  from  saying 
all  that  he  intended,  for  it  was  not  without  design 
that  he  had  brought  a  minister  with  him." 

During  the  time  that  the  savages  were  deliberat- 
ing what  to  reply,  Rale  says,  that  the  governor  drew 
him  apart  and  prayed  him  not  to  lead  the  savages  to 
make  war  against  the  English,  and  that  he  replied, 
that  his  religion  and  character  engaged  him  to  give 
them  only  counsels  of  peace.  He  says  that  he 
should  have  spoken  more,  but  that  he  was  suddenly 
surrounded  by  a  score  of  young  warriors,  who  sus- 
pected treachery  on  the  part  of  the  governor,  and 


48  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

that,  at  this  juncture,  the  chiefs  advanced  to  make 
their  reply,  which  was  to  the  effect,  that  they  should 
stand  by  the  French  and  aid  them  if  war  broke  out 
between  them  and  the  English,  a  statement  totally 
at  variance  with  the  English  account,  and  which 
must  be  regarded  as  incredible,  since  the  design  of 
the  savages  appears  to  have  been  to  encourage  the 
colonists  to  indulge  in  a  feeling  of  security,  that  they 
might  accomplish  their  purposes  more  completely  in 
the  end.  Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  we  know  that 
the  conference  terminated  with  a  show  at  least  of  re- 
joicing on  both  sides,  and  it  could  not  have  so  ended, 
if  the  savages  had  replied  to  the  kind  words  of  the 
English  governor,  as  Rale  tells  us  they  did ;  besides, 
is  it  possible  that  Penhallow  and  others,  who  were 
present,  would  fail  to  record  a  reply  so  important  to 
the  welfare  of  their  people  ?  To  believe  this  would 
be  not  only  to  believe  that  they  deliberately  falsified, 
but  did  so  against  their  own  feelings  and  interests, 
and  for  no  purpose,  unless  it  were  to  make  their 
savage  foes  appear  in  an  agreeable  light.  "  But," 
says  Penhallow,  "  I  should  have  taken  notice  of  two 
instances  in  the  late  treaty,  wherein  the  matchless 
perfidy  of  these  bloody  infidels  did  notoriously  ap- 
pear. First,  as  the  treaty  was  concluded  with  volleys 
on  both  sides,  as  I  said  before,  the  Indians  desired 


in  New  England.  49 

the  English  to  fire  first,  which  they  readily  did,  con- 
cluding it  no  other  than  a  compliment ;  but  so  soon 
as  the  Indians  fired,  it  was  observed  that  their  guns 
were  charged  with  bullets,  having  contrived  (as  was 
afterward  confirmed)  to  make  the  English  the  vic- 
tims of  that  day.  But  'Providence  so  ordered  it,  as 
to  place  their  chief  councillors  and  sachems  in  the 
tent  where  ours  were  seated,  by  which  means  they 
could  not  destroy  one  without  endangering  the  other. 
Second,  as  the  English  waited  some  days  for  Wata- 
nummon  (the  Pigwacket  sachem)  to  complete  their 
council,  it  was  afterward  discovered  that  they  only 
tarried  for  a  reinforcement  of  two  hundred  French 
and  Indians,  who  in  three  days  after  we  returned,  came 
among  them ;  having  resolved  to  seize  the  governor, 
council  and  gentlemen,  and  then  to  sacrifice  the  in- 
habitants at  pleasure,  which  probably  they  might 
have  done,  had  they  not  been  prevented  by  an  over- 
ruling power. 

But  notwithstanding  this  disappointment,  they  were 
still  resolved  on  their  bloody  design  ;  for  within  six 
weeks  after,  the  whole  eastern  country  was  in  a  con- 
flagration, no  house  standing,  nor  garrison  unattacked. 
August  loth,  at  nine  in  the  morning,  they  began 
their  bloody  tragedy,  being  about  five  hundred  In- 
dians of  all  sorts,  with  a  number  of  French  ;  who  di- 
7 


50  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

vided  themselves  into  several  companies,  and  made  a 
descent  on  the  several  inhabitants  from  Casco  to 
Wells,  at  one  and  the  same  time,  sparing  none  of 
every  age  and  sex.  As  the  milk  white  brows  of  the 
grave  and  ancient  had  no  respect  shown,  so  neither 
had  the  mournful  cries  of  tender  infants  the  least  pity; 
for  they  triumphed  at  their  misery,  and  applauded 
such  as  the  skilfulest  artists,  who  were  most  dexter- 
ous in  contriving  the  greatest  tortures  ;  which  was 
enough  to  turn  the  most  stoical  apathy  into  streams 
of  mournful  sympathy  and  compassion."1 

This  terrible  war,  Rale  tells  us,  was  inaugurated  by 
a  feast,  where  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  his  savage 
neophytes  took  up  the  hatchet  against  the  English 
settlers.  Before  starting  on  their  bloody  errand,  he 
says  that  he  assembled  them  at  confession,  and  ad- 
monished them  to  observe  the  laws  of  war  and  to  ab- 
stain from  unnecessary  cruelty,  an  admonition  which 
was  mockery  itself,  however  masked  by  moral  senti- 
ment. But  were  this  sentiment  genuine,  the  tone 
which  he  employs  in  recounting  the  prowess  of  his 
neophytes  is  not  reassuring,  for  he  tells  us,  that  im- 
mediately after  receiving  his  admonition,  they  rav- 

lVide  The  History  of  the  Wars  of  New  England 
with  the  Eastern  Indians,  by  Samuel  Penhallow,  Esq., 
Boston,  1859,  p.  1 6  et  seq. 


in  New  England.  51 

aged  "  more  than  twenty  leagues  of  country,  where 
there  were  hamlets  and  houses,"  and  u  in  a  single  day 
swept  away  all  that  the  English  had  there,"  and 
"  killed  more  than  two  hundred  of  them."  One  might 
suppose  that  these  were  soldiers  that  were  killed,  as 
he  says  in  a  preceding  paragraph  that  a  handful  of 
his  savages  were  equal  to  two  or  three  thousand 
European  soldiers  ;  but  no,  the  larger  number  of  the 
victims  of  these  heroes,  who  had  so  recently  partaken 
of  the  communion,  and  received  the  fatherly  admoni- 
tion to  observe  the  laws  of  war  and  abstain  from  un- 
necessary cruelty,  were  helpless  women  and  children. 
And  he  continues,  after  saying  complacently  that 
"  they  carried  desolations  throughout  the  land,  which 
belonged  to  the  English,"  that,  "therefore,  these  gen- 
tlemen," using  the  words  with  playful  sarcasm,  per- 
suaded with  reason,  that  in  keeping  my  savages  in 
their  attachment  to  the  Catholic  faith,  I  strengthened 
more  and  more  the  bonds  which  united  them  to  the 
French,  have  put  in  operation  all  sorts  of  tricks  and 
artifices  to  detach  them  from  me."1 

Could  men  have  had  better  reason  than  these  af- 
flicted colonists,  whose  homes  were  destroyed  and 
wives  and  children  butchered  in  the  most  atrocious 
manner,  to  resort  to  tricks  and  artifices,  or  even  to  set 


lVide  Letter  of  Ral6,  Oct.  i2th,  1723. 


52  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

a  price  upon  the  head  of  one  so  destructive  to  them? 
Surely  not,  yet  the  tricks  and  artifices,  which  were 
uppermost  in  Rale's  mind,  were  the  sending  of  a  Pro- 
testant missionary  to  the  savages  with  Bibles  in  their 
own  tongue,  and  a  schoolmaster  to  instruct  them. 

Dudley  entered  into  the  war  with  zeal,  and  carried 
it  into  the  enemy's  country.  An  expedition  was 
planned  against  Norridgewock,  and  Colonel  Hilton 
was  dispatched  with  two  hundred  and  seventy  men, 
in  the  winter  of  1 705,  to  attack  it.  The  weather  was 
severe,  and  the  march  on  snowshoes  laborious,  but 
the  party  pushed  on  with  persevering  energy,  and 
reached  the  village  in  good  condition,  only  to  find  it 
abandoned.  They,  however,  destroyed  it  and  the 
chapel  which  Rale  had  built.  After  the  war  had  raged 
for  four  years,  Dudley  wrote,  "  Their  Priests  and 
Jesuits  have  gotten  the  command  of  all  the  Inland 
Indians,  and  have  debauched  the  Indians  of  the 
Province  of  Mayn,  and  by  their  late  Trade  and 
discovery  of  the  Messasseppi  River,  have  in  a  manner 
made  a  circle  round  all  the  English  Colonies,  from 
New  England  to  Virginia,  and  do  every  year  give  the 
Goverm'ts  of  New  England  very  great  trouble." 

And  a  few  months  later  :  "  The  Post  Script  of  this 
Letter  referring  to  the  Barbarous  Method  of  the 
French  and  Indians  depending  upon  them.  Scalping 


in  New  England.  53 

the  dead  that  fall  into  their  hands,  is  upon  Account 
that  the  French  Government  have  set  the  Heads 
of  Her  Majties  Subjects  at  a  Value,  sometimes 
Forty  Shillings,  sometimes  Five  pounds,  which  the 
Savages  cannot  challenge  without  showing  the  Scalps, 
as  the  French  have  made  it  in  their  Order  referring 
thereto.  This  I  have  Expostulated  and  Upbraided 
Mr.  Vaudreuil  and  Mr.  Subercass  and  every  Gov- 
ernour  on  the  French  side,  and  challenged  them  to 
tell  their  own  Master  if  they  dare,  of  such  Barbarity 
used  to  Christians,  but  to  no  effect,  and  have  threat- 
ened them  to  leave  their  Prisoners  in  the  hands  of 
the  Indians  as  they  have  done  Many  of  Ours,  but 
have  prevailed  nothing."1 

On  August  29,  1708,  Haverhill  was  attacked  by 
a  band  of  French  and  savages,  and  her  only  clergy- 
man, the  Rev.  Benjamin  Rolfe,  slain.2  The  situation 

1  Vide  Dudley's  letters    in    B.  T.   New    England, 
vol.  14,  S.  26,  office  of  the  Public   Records,  London, 
Nov.  10,  and  March  i,  1708. 

2  The  Rev.  Benjamin  Rolfe  was  born  at  Newbury 
in  1662,  and  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1684,  and  later 
was  chaplain  of  a  small   body  of  soldiers  at  Casco. 
He  was  married  to  Mehitabel  Atwater,  March   12, 
1693,  just  after  his  call  to   Haverhill,  where  he  was 
ordered  the  January  following.     It  was  early  on  Sun- 
day   morning,    August    29,    1708,    that    the    savages 
attacked  Haverhill.     There  were  two  soldiers  in  the 


54  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

was  indeed  a  serious  one  for  New  England,  and  ex- 
cited grave  apprehensions  for  her  future  in  the  minds 
of  the  wisest  of  her  people;  but  after  another  ten 
years  of  war,  peace  at  last  came.  Rale  heard  from 
Quebec  that  negotiations  for  peace  were  pending, 
and  knowing  that  news  of  the  signing  of  the  treaty 
would  reach  Boston  before  it  could  reach  Quebec, 
wrote  Capt.  Moody  as  follows  : 

parsonage,  but  they  were  panic-stricken  and  afforded 
no  assistance  to  Rolfe,  who  leaping  from  his  bed 
strove  to  hold  the  door  against  them.  Finding  this 
impossible,  he  fled  through  the  house  after  being 
wounded  in  the  arm  by  a  bullet  fired  through  the 
door,  but  was  overtaken  and  killed  with  a  hatchet. 
Mrs.  Rolfe  was  also  brained  with  a  hatchet,  and  her 
infant  torn  from  her  arms  and  its  brains  dashed  out 
against  a  stone  near  the  door.  Two  children  were 
preserved  by  being  hidden  under  tubs  in  the  cellar 
by  a  faithful  servant.  Rolfe,  his  wife  and  child,  were 
buried  in  one  grave  and  this  epitaph  placed  upon  it  : 
"  Clauditus  hoc  tumulo  corpus  Reverendi  pii  doc- 
tique  viri  D.  Benjamin  Rolfe,  ecclesiae  Christi  quse 
est  in  Haverhill  pastoris  fidelissimi  ;  qui  domi  suse 
ad  hostibus  barbare  trucidatus.  A  laboribus  suis  re- 
quieuit  mane  diei  sacrae  quietis,  Aug.  XXIX,  Anno 
Domini  MDCCVIII.  ^Etatis  suae  XLVI.  Vide 
History  of  Haverhill,  by  George  Wingate  Chase, 
Haverhill,  1861,  pp.  220,  228  et  passim;  Bancroft's 
History  of  the  U.  S.,  Boston,  1841,  vol.  3,  p.  215  et 
seq.;  The  History  of  the  Wars  of  New  England, 
etc.,  by  Samuel  Penhallow,  Esq.,  Cincinnati,  1859,  P- 
55- 


in  New  England.  55 

"  NANRANTSOAK,  18  Novemb.  1712. 

"  SIR  --The  Governor-General  of  Canada  ac- 
quaints me  by  his  letter  which  has  been  brought  me 
some  days  since,  that  the  last  vessel  of  the  King 
arrived  at  Quebec  the  30  Sept.,  reports  that  peace  is 
not  yet  concluded  between  the  two  crowns  of  France 
&  England,  but  that  they  talk  strongly  of  it.  That 
is  what  he  tells  me  about  it. 

"And  other  letters  that  I  have  received  inform  me 
that  Monsieur,  the  Intendent,  who  has  arrived  in  this 
vessel,  says,  that  being  upon  the  point  of  embarking 
at  Rochelle,  some  one  there  received  a  letter  from 
Monsieur  Tallard,  which  asserted  that  peace  had 
been  made,  &  that  it  would  be  published  at  the  end 
of  October. 

u  Now  they  cannot  know  of  it  in  Canada,  but  can 
know  of  it  at  Boston,  where  vessels  can  come  at  all 
seasons,  if  you  know  anything  of  it,  I  pray  you  let 
me  know  of  it,  in  order,  that  I  may  send  instantly  to 
Quebec  upon  the  ice,  to  inform  the  governor-general 
of  it,  so  that  he  may  prevent  the  savages  from  com- 
mitting any  act  of  hostility."  1 

1  This  letter  was  inclosed  in  a  letter  written  by 
Moody  to  Gov.  Dudley,  Dec.  loth,  in  which  he  says 
that  "The  Indians  have  made  us  these  visits  in  my 
absence,  and  brought  several  letters  from  the  Friar, 


56  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

It  would  seem  that  Ral6  must  have  known,  that 
Costebelle,  six  weeks  before  this,  had  dispatched  a 
public  envoy  to  Boston  under  the  protection  of  a 
passport,  with  a  letter  of  precisely  the  same  tenor  as 
the  above  ;  but  be  this  as  it  may,  the  savages  were 
as  anxious  for  peace  as  the  colonists,  and  must  have 
realized  the  fact  that  they  were  in  danger  of  being 
ground  to  pieces  between  the  opposing  forces  ;  hence 
on  the  nth  of  July,  1713,  exactly  three  months  after 
the  signing  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  representatives 
of  the  different  tribes  assembled  at  Portsmouth  to 
enter  into  a  treaty  of  peace. 

Asking  that  the  war  might  cease,  the  savages 
agreed  to  forbear  all  acts  of  hostility  toward  the 
English,  and  never  again  to  enter  into  u  any  treason- 
able conspiracy  with  any  other  nation  to  their  dis- 
turbance ;  and,  as  in  former  treaties,  not  to  avenge 
themselves  if  they  should  suffer  wrong  at  the  hands 
of  an  Englishman,  but  to  appeal  to  the  government 
for  redress.  Confirming  the  rights  of  the  English 
to  the  lands,  which  they  had  occupied  under  deeds 

which  are  inclosed."  This  is  a  translation  made  by 
me  from  the  French  text  in  the  office  of  the  Public 
Records,  London.  There  is  a  translation,  also,  in 
Collections  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society,  2d  series,  vol. 
VIII,  p.  258,  and  in  Goolds'  Portland  in  the  Past,  p. 
162. 


in  New  England.  57 

from  their  ancestors,  they  confessed  as  follows ; 
"that  we  have,  contrary  to  all  faith  and  justice, 
broken  our  articles  with  Sir  William  Phips,  Governor, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  God,  1693,  and  with  the 
Earl  of  Bellamont  in  the  year  1699. 

And  the  assurance  we  gave  to  his  excellency, 
Joseph  Dudley,  Esq.,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  God, 
1702,  in  the  month  of  August,  and  1703,  in  the 
month  of  July,  notwithstanding  we  have  been  well 
treated  by  said  governors.  But  we  resolve  for  the 
future,  not  to  be  drawn  into  any  perfidious  treaty  or 
correspondence  to  the  hurt  of  any  of  her  Majesty's 
subjects  of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  if  we 
know  any  such,  we  will  seasonably  reveal  it  to  the 
English,"  and,  "being  sensible  of  our  great  offence 
and  folly  in  not  complying  with  the  aforesaid  sub- 
mission and  agreements,  and  also  the  sufferings  and 
mischiefs  that  we  have  thereby  exposed  ourselves 
unto,  do  in  all  humble  and  submissive  manner,  cast 
ourselves  upon  her  Majesty  for  mercy  and  pardon  for 
all  our  past  rebellious  hostilities,  and  violations  of 
our  promises,  praying  to  be  received  into  her  Maj- 
esty's grace  and  favor."  This  treaty,  dated  on  the 
1 3th  of  July,  was  signed  by  the  heads  of  the  tribes  in 
presence  of  Governor  Dudley,  the  Counsellors  of 
Massachusetts;  Judge  Sewall,  Jonathan  Corwin,  Penn 


58  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

Townsend,  John  Appleton,  John  Higginson,  Andrew 
Belcher,  Thomas  Noyes,  Samuel  Appleton,  Ichabod 
Plaisted,  John  Wheelwright  and  Benjamin  Lynde, 
Esquires,"  as  well  as  by  the  Counsellors  of  New 
Hampshire  ;  "  William  Vaughn,  Peter  Coffin,  Robert 
Elliot,  Richard  Waldron,  Nathaniel  Weare,  Samuel 
Penhallow,  John  Plaisted,  Mark  Hunkin  and  John 
Wentworth,  Esquires."  The  witnesses  to  it  were 
"Edmund  Quincy,  Spencer  Phips,  Wm.  Dudley, 
Shad.  Walton,  Josiah  Willard"  and  others.  That 
there  might  be  no  plea  on  the  part  of  the  savages  in 
the  future  that  they  did  not  understand  the  agree- 
ment made  with  their  chiefs,  a  delegation  of  gentle- 
men proceeded  with  the  treaty  to  Casco,  where  it  was 
read  by  sworn  interpreters,  article  by  article,  to  the 
assembled  tribes  in  the  presence  of  their  chiefs,  whose 
names  it  bore.  No  objections  were  raised  by  the 
tribes  to  any  portion  of  the  treaty,  and  they  signified 
their  unanimous  approval  of  all  its  provisions  by 
acclamation.1  At  the  risk  of  prolixity,  the  names 
of  the  principal  gentlemen  present  at  the  making  of 
this  treaty  are  given,  and  they  are  a  sufficient  guar- 

1  For  the  treaty  made  at  Portsmouth,  vide  The 
History  of  the  Wars  with  the  Eastern  Indians,  etc., 
by  Samuel  Penhallow,  Esq.,  Cincinnati,  1859,  PP- 
78-81. 


in  New  England.  59 

antee  of  its  correctness.  What  shall  we  say  then  of 
the  following  report  of  the  doings  at  this  conference, 
which  Rale  hastened  to  make  to  the  governor-gen- 
eral of  Canada  ? 

"  NORRIDGEWOCK,  the  9  September,  1813. 
SIR: — 

Touching  the  propositions  which  the  Englishmen 
had  before  made  the  savages  sign  by  the  Governor 
of  Casco  Bay,  I  have  so  frequently  and  so  forcibly 
spoken  thereupon  to  them,  that  they  enter  into  my 
meaning,  and  into  speaking  of  them  even  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  Casco  Bay,  about  which  they  had  great  dis- 
putes together,  of  which  this  governor  informed  the 
governor-general,  who  in  effect  did  not  make  them 
to  the  savages  in  the  assembly. 

This  is  what  he  said  to  the  savages,  who  were  there 
in  pretty  good  number  :  There  were  of  this  village 
98  ;  of  Penobscot  200 ;  of  the  river  St.  John  40 ;  of 
the  Micmaks  20;  the  governor-general  spoke  to 
them  in  this  manner  :  "  Thou,  Warraeensitt,  I  am  very 
glad  to  see  thee,  what  I  am  going  to  say  to  thee  I  say 
to  all  the  others ;  that  I  am  very  glad  that  thou  hast 
returned  into  my  hands  the  prisoners  which  thou  hast 
made  ;  if  any  are  found  of  thine  among  us  I  will 
restore  them  to  thee. 

Thou  knowest  already  that  the   land  which  is  be- 


60  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

yond  the  great  lake  is  fair,  and  is  not  bloody.  The 
kings  are  at  peace,  and  have  smoothed  the  ground, 
and  this  was  done  in  the  moon  during  which  thou 
wast  fishing;  that  is,  the  April  moon. 

The  Frenchman  gave  us  Plaisance,  Port  Royal 
and  the  land  about  them,  reserving  only  the  river 
where  Quebec  is  situated.  The  land  here  is  very 
fair,  —  showing  some  papers,  —  behold  these  which 
have  caused  it  to  be  stained  with  blood.  I  put  these 
papers  in  the  earth  to  the  end  that  they  appear  no 
more,  I  now  turn  the  land  upside  down  that  the 
blood  may  no  more  appear.  If  thou  wishest,  the 
English  who  planted  here  and  there  the  habitations 
which  have  been  burned,  will  rebuild  them  and  will 
dwell  there.  I  pray  thee  do  not  hinder  them  from 
hunting  game,  from  taking  wood  according  as  they 
shall  have  need  of  it.  If  by  chance  some  unfortunate 
affair  shall  happen,  do  not  avenge  thyself,  make  it 
known  and  it  shall  be  remedied.  Thou  knowest  at 
what  price  thy  beaver  was  during  the  peace.  It  shall 
be  the  same  price  as  well  as  the  goods.  There  shall 
be  three  places  of  trade,  Pemaquid  for  those  of  Pen- 
obscot,  and  the  river  St.  John,  and  which  they  may 
not  go  beyond.  For  thee,  thou  shalt  have  two  of 
them,  Casco  Bay  and  the  river.  I  warn  thee  also 
not  to  pass  the  places  which  I  name,  because  there 


in  New  England.  61 

is  a  bar  there  all  red  with  wrath  from  the  blow  which 
thou  hast  struck  at  them  last  autumn.  I  will  try  to 
deaden  this  fire,  and  when  the  bar  shall  be  again 
cooled,  I  will  notify  thee  of  it,  and  thou  wilt  be  able 
to  pass.  Behold  what  I  have  to  tell  thee." 

Two  of  this  village,  speaking  alternately  for  all 
those  of  the  assembly,  observe  what  they  replied. 

"  My  brother  Englishmen,  the  king,  thou  sayest, 
ours  and  your  queen  and  the  others  also  have 
smoothed  the  land  beyond  the  Great  Lake  and  have 
effaced  the  blood  with  which  it  was  covered.  That 
is  well  and  thou  thyself  overturnest  that  here,  thou 
turnest  it  upside  down  in  order  that  the  blood  may 
no  more  appear,  I  do  not  oppose  it,  that  it  may  be 
fair  and  clean,  I  find  it  good.  I  only  know  while 
resting  quietly  on  my  mat  that  suddenly  some  one 
comes  to  tell  me  that  our  King  strikes  the  English- 
man beyond  the  Great  Lake,  and  sends  me  his  word 
which  says :  My  son,  strike  also  the  Englishman. 

I,  who  hear  thee,  I  come  to  strike  thee.  It  is  not 
I  who  come  to  strike  thee,  it  is  my  father  who  strikes 
thee  by  my  hands. 

My  father  is  now  at  peace  with  thee,  he  ceases 
from  strife  with  thee  and  I  also,  cease  from  striking 
thee,  that  the  land  may  be  fair  and  smooth,  I  am 
content. 


62  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

Thou  sayest  my  Brother,  that  the  Frenchman  has 
given  thee  Plaisance  Port  Royal  and  the  land  about 
them,  reserving  to  himself  only  the  river  where 
Quebec  is  situated.  He  shall  give  thee  what  he 
will,  as  for  me,  I  have  my  land  which  I  have  given 
to  nobody,  and  which  I  will  not  give,  I  wish  always 
to  be  the  master  of  it.  I  know  the  bounds  and  when 
anybody  wishes  to  dwell  there,  he  shall  pay.  Let  the 
English  take  wood,  fish  or  hunt  game,  there  is 
enough  of  them  for  all,  I  will  not  hinder  them;  and 
if  some  wicked  affair  happens,  we  will  do  nothing  on 
one  side  or  the  other,  and  we  will  deliberate." 

After  which  the  English  threw  their  hats  into  the 
air,  making  a  cry,  perhaps  of  Long  Live  the  Queen, 
and  the  Savages  replied  to  them  by  their  Sakakois. 

The  assembly  was  terminated  by  a  feast  of  a  great 
ox,  which  they  had  killed,  a  barrel  of  pork,  two 
barrels  of  peas,  a  barrel  of  flour,  two  barrels  of  beer, 
a  great  case  of  brandy  and  of  wine,  one  of  syrup  of 
molasses,  three  barrels  of  biscuit,  which  two  men 
could  not  clasp,  some  knives,  and  this  is  what  has 
passed  in  this  country  to  speak  of  at  the  beginning 
of  August. 

As  it  is  extremely  difficult  still  to  find  here  work- 
men and  provisions  for  them,  I  am  compelled  to  let  the 
Savages  act,  who  have  spoken  to  the  English  in 


in  New  England.  63 

order  to  have  some.  These  here  having  learned  that 
those  of  Penobscot  had  left  for  Quebec,  where  they 
went  to  seek  powder  which  they  are  accustomed  to 
give  them,  these  leave  to  the  number  of  4  or  5  canoes 
hoping  that  you  will  do  them  the  same  favor.1 

It  is  impossible  to  reconcile  these  conflicting  ac- 
counts of  the  conference.  The  treaty  which  embod- 
ies its  subject-matter,  as  a  sufficient  guarantee  of  its 
correctness,  bears  the  names  of  a  large  number  of  the 
most  honorable  men  of  New  England ;  but  if  this 
guarantee  were  wanting,  we  have,  as  the  result  of  the 
conference,  the  spectacle  of  the  settlers,  who  survived 
the  war,  returning  to  the  desolated  country  and  re- 
building their  ruined  homes,  erecting  mills  and  set- 
ting on  foot  various  enterprises,  which  we  may  be 
sure  they  would  not  have  done  had  the  savages  taken 
the  position  at  the  conference  which  Rale  reports 
them  to  have  assumed.  But  this  is  not  all.  As  soon 
as  the  articles  of  peace  were  known  to  have  been 
signed  at  Utrecht,  the  savages  went  to  Casco  and 
anxiously  requested  that  a  conference  should  be  held 
there.  This  request  the  governor  would  not  accede 


1  For  the  letter  in  French,  of  which  this  is  a  transla- 
tion made  by  the  author,  vide  "  Lettre  du  R.  P.  Rasle 
a  Monsieur  le  Gouverneur  General."  Collection  de 
Manuscrits,  etc,  vol.  n,  pp.  562-564. 


64  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

to,  not  "being  willing  so  far  to  condescend,"  and 
"ordered  "a  conference  at  Portsmouth,  to  which 
place  the  savages  submissively  went.  The  reader  can 
form  his  own  conclusion  as  to  which  account  is  en- 
titled to  credence. 

A  few  years  of  peace  enabled  the  hardy  English 
colonists  to  again  take  root  in  the  soil  of  Maine. 
New  hamlets  sprang  up  on  the  sites  of  old  ones ; 
trading  posts  were  established  on  the  frontiers,  and 
adventurous  men  planted  their  rude  cabins  near  by. 

Uninfluenced  by  the  fact  that  Acadia  had  been 
ceded  back  to  England,  this  was  regarded  by  the  neigh- 
boring French  with  jealous  eyes ;  and  although 
France  and  England  were  enjoying  a  season  of  peace 
and  amity,  the  French  rulers  of  New  France  ceased 
not  to  plot  against  the  welfare  of  their  English  neigh- 
bors, and  to  excite  the  jealousy  of  the  savages  against 
them,  by  making  them  feel  that  the  English  were 
usurpers  of  their  territorial  rights. 

This  was  easy  of  accomplishment.  The  Indians 
had  loose  ideas  of  territorial  proprietorship ;  even 
tribes  had  no  defined  territorial  limits.  All  the  land 
far  and  near  belonged  to  the  wild  band,  which  for 
the  time,  could  hold  it  against  others,  and  although 
Englishmen  might  possess  title  deeds  to  lands  from 
chiefs  of  tribes,  the  savages  did  not  feel  bound  to 


in  New  England.  65 

respect  them  ;  indeed,  where  rights  to  land  were  so 
common,  and  dependent  altogether  upon  absolute 
possession,  we  cannot  wonder  that  men,  who  had  had 
no  part  in  the  conveyance  of  land  held  by  their 
tribe,  should  pay  scant  respect  to  titles  given  by  chiefs 
or  others,  to  whom  the  common  rights  had  never 
been  ceded. 

Listening  to  Begon,  the  intendant,  and  Vaudreuil, 
the  governor  of  New  France,  whose  treachery  and 
falsehood  so  conspicuous  in  his  letters  will  forever 
doom  him  to  disgrace,  Rale  lent  his  powerful  aid  in 
forwarding  their  plans.  "With  the  savage,"  wrote 
Vaudreuil  to  the  French  minister,  quoting  a  senti- 
ment of  Father  de  la  Chasse,  "  temporal  interest 
serves  as  a  vehicle  to  faith  ; "  and  he,  therefore,  be- 
stowed upon  them  presents,  not  the  least  valuable 
of  which  were  guns  and  other  weapons  to  be  used 
against  the  English  settlers,  with  whose  government 
France  was  then  at  peace ;  and  in  the  same  letter  he 
adds,  "war  with  the  English  is  more  favorable  to  us 
than  peace."1  This  was  the  keynote  to  what  fol- 

1  Mais  comme  le  marque  le  Pere  De  la  Chasse,  la 
grace  parmi  les  Sauvages  a  toujours  besoin  de  la 
cooperation  de  I'homme,  et  parmi  eux  1'interet  tempo- 
rel  sert  de  vehicule  &  la  foi.  Je  ne  doute  pas,  Mon- 
seigneur,  que  vous  fassiez  attention  ace  que  j'ai  Thon- 
neur  de  vous  marqucr  a  ce  sujet.  .  .  .  II  y  a 

9 


66  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

lowed,  and  Rale,  who  boasted  that  the  savages  held  no 
council  without  calling  him  to  it,  and  if  he  approved, 
responded  that  it  was  well,  and  that,  for  any  consid- 
erable wrong  done  to  them,  he  would  tell  them  they 
might  make  war,  caught  the  note  and  responded  to  it.1 
The  people  of  New  England  have  been  charged 
with  unreasonable  enmity  to  Rale,  but  that  he  might 
have  been  received  in  a  friendly  manner  by  his  Eng- 
lish neighbors,  if  he  had  refrained  from  inciting  the 
savages  against  them,  is  probable.  Only  a  few 
months  before  the  conference  at  Arrowsic,  he  visited 
the  place,  and  was  received  in  a  friendly  manner. 
He  was  suffering  from  gout  and  rheumatism  in  his 
shoulders,  and  sought  the  Rev.  Hugh  Adams,  who 
not  only  ministered  to  the  souls,  but  to  the  bodies  of 
the  poor  frontiersmen. 

longtemps  que  j'ai  prevu  ce  qui  se  passe  adjourd  'hui, 
et  j'ose  dire  que  par  rapport  non  seulement  aux  sau- 
vages,  mais  encore  &  toutes  les  nations  qui  sont  dans 
nos  interets,  que  la  guerre  avec  1'Angleterre  nous 
etoit  plus  favorable  que  la  paix."  Lettre  de  Mon- 
sieur de  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  Quebec,  le  16  Sep- 
tember, 1714.  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol. 

3,  P-  5- 

1  Vide  Lettres  Edifiantes  et  Curieuses,  XVII  Re- 
cueil  a  Paris,  MDCCXXVI,  p.  293  et  postea.  He 
also  made  the  same  assertions  to  Governor  Shute, 
and  on  other  occasions,  thereby  voluntarily  assuming 
responsibility  for  their  acts. 


in  New  England.  67 

Some  years  before,  Rale  had  fractured  his  right 
thigh  and  left  leg  by  a  fall,  and  suffered  from  bad  sur- 
gery, which,  perhaps,  aggravated  his  present  trouble. 
The  suffering  Jesuit  was  received  with  friendly  inter- 
est by  his  Puritan  brother,  and  not  only  hospitably 
entertained,  but  treated-  with  such  skill,  that  in  a 
short  time  he  was  able  to  return  to  his  people  quite 
restored  to  his  ordinary  health. 

This  kind  treatment  and  cure,  Adams  firmly  be- 
lieved would  effect  a  revolution  in  Rale's  feelings 
toward  the  English.  On  his  own  part  he  had  ex- 
perienced a  change  of  sentiment.  Intercourse  with 
the  blackrobed  stranger,  of  whom  he  had  heard  so 
much  that  was  bad,  had  revealed  to  him  a  man  like 
himself,  possessed  of  human  sympathies  and  aspira- 
tions for  the  elevation  of  mankind,  and  he  had  grown 
to  regard  him,  not  only  with  a  considerable  degree 
of  respect,  but  of  kindly  esteem.  Feeling  thus  he 
confidently  believed  that  his  patient  would  thence- 
forth exert  his  influence  for  peace,  but  we  shall  see 
that  he  little  understood  the  motive  which  dominated 
the  Jesuit's  life. 

That  immediately  after  leaving  the  tender  care  of 
the  sentimental  Adams,  he  resumed  his  efforts  to 
prevent  English  settlement  on  the  Kennebec,  we 
know  from  Flynt,  who,  under  date  of  Sept.  Qth,  1716, 


68  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

records  as  follows  :  "  the  Fryar  wrote  in  the  Name  of 
Eastern  Indians  a  Letter  to  the  Govern1  complain- 
ing that  by  building  forts  in  the  Eastern  Country 
we  acted  in  peace  as  tho'  'twere  war  &  or  Settlements 
there  were  on  the  Indian's  Land,  Captn  Moody  & 
Mr.  Wells  were  sent  to  them,  wch  the  Fryar  under- 
standing dispersed  the  Indians,  and  would  not  ap- 
pear himself,  but  left  Moxis,  Bomozene  &  some 
others  to  talk  with  Captn  Moody  at  Kenebeck,  who 
said  they  had  talk  in  the  spring  to  the  same  purpose, 
but  they  did  not  know  the  Fryar  had  wrote  the 
Letter."1 

Shute  succeeded  Dudley  in  the  governorship  of 
Massachusetts  in  1716,  and  as  soon  as  he  had  estab- 
lished himself  in  his  office,  he  took  the  necessary 
steps  to  have  a  conference  with  the  Eastern  savages. 
A  convention  was  therefore  appointed  to  be  held  at 
Arrowsic  Island,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  and 
there  the  savages  of  the  different  Eastern  tribes  be- 
gan to  assemble  early  in  August,  1717. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  gth  of  August,  there  lay 
moored  opposite  Arrowsic  Island  a  man  of  war  and 
two  other  vessels,  with  the  English  flag  flying  at 

1  Vide  the  manuscript  journal  or  "  Commonplace 
Book"  of  Henry  Flynt,  in  Archives  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society. 


in  New  England.  69 

their  peaks,  and  on  a  green  slope  near  Watt's  house, 
the  principal  mansion  of  the  place,  was  spread  an 
ample  pavilion. 

Not  far  away  on  another  island,  were  a  number  of 
rude  booths  carelessly  constructed  of  green  boughs, 
amid  which  was  a  restless  swarm  of  painted  savages, 
who  were  awaiting  the  signal  for  the  conference  to 
begin. 

Shute  with  his  councillors  and  friends,  among 
whom  were,  Samuel  Sewall,  a  staunch  friend  of  the 
savages,  Andrew  Belcher,  Edmund  Quincy,  Samuel 
Penhallow,  John  Wentworth,  the  Rev.  Joseph  Bax- 
ter and  wife,  and  many  others,  had  sailed  from  Bos- 
ton on  the  evening  of  the  ist,  and  had  crept  leisurely 
along,  landing  at  Falmouth,  which  had  begun  again 
to  rise  from  its  ashes,  at  Cousin's  Island  and  Che- 
beague,  enjoying  the  summer  voyage  in  spite  of  the 
straitened  quarters  to  which  they  were  confined.  As 
they  now  stood  on  the  fresh  lawn  in  front  of  Watt's 
house,  Shute  and  his  officers  arrayed  in  brilliant  uni- 
forms, a  gun  was  fired,  and  the  English  flag  flew  up 
the  staff  and  floated  over  the  pavilion. 

This  was  the  signal  for  the  opening  of  the  con- 
ference, and  instantly  a  number  of  birch  canoes  shot 
out  from  the  bushy  shores  of  Puddlestone  Island, 
and  were  paddled  rapidly  toward  the  place  of  meet- 


•jo  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

ing.  The  foremost  canoe  bore  the  English  colors  at 
its  prow,  and  these  the  savages,  when  they  landed, 
bore  before  them  in  sign  of  their  subjection  and 
loyalty  to  King  George.  Shute  had  seated  himself 
under  the  pavilion  with  his  suite  about  him,  and  as 
the  painted  and  befeathered  chiefs,  who  had  been 
the  terror  of  the  settlers,  advanced  and  "  made  their 
reverence  "  to  him,  he  gave  them  his  hand  in  token 
of  friendship. 

Then  Capt.  John  Giles  and  Samuel  Jordan,  laying 
their  hands  upon  a  Bible,  were  sworn  by  Judge 
Sewall  to  faithfully  and  truthfully  interpret  between 
the  parties,  and  the  conference  was  opened. 

Shute  began  gracefully  by  expressions  of  good- 
will, and,  referring  to  the  treaty  at  Portsmouth  and 
the  ratification  of  former  treaties,  assured  his  savage 
hearers  that  he  should  "  build  on  that  foundation," 
and  informed  them,  that  since  this  good  treaty  was 
made,  the  English  crown  had  descended  to  King 
George,  and  that  it  was  in  his  name  that  he  now  ad- 
dressed them. 

He  reminded  them  of  the  friendship  existing  be- 
tween the  French  and  English,  and  told  them  that 
the  subjects  of  King  George  were  happy  in  his  gov- 
ernment, on  account  of  its  wisdom,  justice  and  kind- 
ness, "  His  Majesty  consulting  the  common  well-fare 


in  New  England.  71 

of  His  People  as  to  their  Religion,  Civil  Liberties, 
Trade  and  every  other  thing."  This  good  and  wise 
prince,  he  asserted,  was  their  king  as  well  as  the  king 
of  the  English  people,  who  would  always  treat  them 
as  fellow  subjects,  and  warned  them  not  to  listen  to 
"contrary  insinuations."  ' 

The  king  and  English  people  he  told  them  were 
"  Christians  of  the  Reformed  Protestant  Religion," 
and  holding  up  a  Bible,  declared  it  to  be  the  only 
rule  of  the  Englishman's  "  Faith  and  Worship,  and 
Life."  Turning  to  the  Rev.  Joseph  Baxter,  who, 
inspired  by  the  example  of  Eliot,  had  left  his  church 
at  Medfield  to  become  the  missionary  of  the  savages, 
he  expressed  the  hope,  that  they  would  treat  him  with 
respect  and  affection,  not  only  "  for  the  sake  of  the 
King's  Government,  but  of  his  own  Character.  He 
being  a  minister  of  Jesus  Christ,  our  only  Lord  and 
Saviour."1 

1  The  following  is  taken  from  his  Journal  :  "  I  was 
born  in  Brantry,  June  4,  1676.  Baptized  at  Brantry 
by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Moses  Fisk,  June  11,  1676.  Ad- 
mitted to  my  first  degree,  July  5,  1693.  Received  to 
full  communion  with  the  Church  of  Christ  at  Brantry, 
March  4,  1694.  Preached  my  first  sermon  at  Bran- 
try,  Nov.  11,  1694.  Preached  at  Medfield  the  first 
time,  Nov.  25,  1694.  Was  called  to  settle  at  Med- 
field, April  26,  1695.  Came  to  live  at  Medfield,  Jan. 
14,  1695.  Was  admitted  to  a  second  degree,  July 


72  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

Continuing,  he  declared  that  the  English  settle- 
ments were  made  for  their  mutual  benefit ;  that  the 
savages  would  have  the  advantage  of  the  "  Neighbor- 
hood and  Conversation  "  of  the  English,  whom  he 
had  ordered  to  be  kind  and  just  to  them,  and  if  they 
had  occasion  to  complain  of  unfair  treatment,  he 
would  see  that  justice  was  rendered  them;  that  he 
would  protect  and  assist  them,  for  he  desired  that 
they  should  "look  upon  the  English  Government 
as  their  great  and  safe  shelter." 

Giving  his  hand  to  the  sagamores  in  token  of  his 
sincerity  and  affection,  he  held  up  an  English  and 
Indian  Bible,  and  informed  his  savage  hearers  that  he 
should  leave  them  with  their  missionary  for  their  in- 
struction, whenever  they  desired  to  be  taught,  and 
that  the  missionary,  and  the  schoolmaster  who  was 
to  be  sent  to  them,  would  reside  in  the  vicinity. 

Having  finished  his  address,  the  governor  drank 
the  king's  health  to  Moxus,  the  chief  sagamore,  in 
which  all  the  savages  joined. 

Then  Wiwurna  gravely  arose  and  said  that  he  was 
appointed  to  speak  in  the  name  of  the  other  chiefs. 

i,  1696.  Was  ordained  at  Medfield,  April  21,  1697. 
Was  married  to  Miss  Mary  Fisk,  daughter  of  Rev. 
Moses  Fisk  of  Brantry,  Sept.  16,  1697.  He  closed 
a  most  busy  and  useful  life  in  1745,  in  the  sixty-ninth 
year  of  his  age,  and  forty-eighth  of  his  ministry. 


in  New  England.  73 

"  We  are  glad,"  he  said,  "of  this  opportunity  to  see 
your  Excellency,  when  the  Sun  shines  so  bright  upon 
us,  and  Hope  the  Angels  in  Heaven  rejoice  with  us  ; 
We  have  been  in  Expectation  of  this  favor  ever  since 
we  received  your  Excellency's  Letter  in  the  Winter. 
We  are  not  now  prepared  to  answer  what  your  Ex- 
cellency has  said  to  us ;  But  shall  wait  on  your  Ex- 
cellency again  to  Morrow." 

The  conference  then  adjourned,  the  governor 
promising  the  savages  an  ox  for  their  dinner,  for 
which  they  expressed  thanks.  On  the  forenoon  of 
the  next  day  the  flag  was  again  raised  on  the  pavilion, 
and  the  savages  reassembled  before  the  governor 
and  his  attendants. 

"  It  is  a  great  favor  of  God  we  have  this  Oppor- 
tunity to  wait  on  your  Excellency,  and  we  have  our 
Answers  ready,"  said  Wiwurna.  He  then  ratified  and 
confirmed  former  treaties,  the  governor  having  the 
principal  articles  read  to  the  savages,  who  declared 
that  they  remembered  and  acknowledged  them. 

Wiwurna  then  continued,  that  the  chiefs  having 
considered  the  governor's  expressions  in  favor  of 
"  Love  and  Unity,"  they  admired  them  ;  that  their 
expressions  pleased  God  and  they  hoped  that  the 
governor  would  act  according  to  them. 

Shute,  who  was  a  stickler  for  royal  authority,  and 


10 


74  The  Pioneers  of  Neiv  France 

like  many  who  were  in  official  position  somewhat 
heady  and  impatient,  broke  in  to  assure  the  savages, 
that  if  they  carried  themselves  properly  with  respect 
to  "  Duty  and  Allegiance  to  King  George,"  he  should 
do  so,  and  Wiwurna  continuing,  hoped  that  hard 
feelings  might  be  laid  aside,  and  hearty  friendship 
prevail ;  that  the  savages  were  glad  of  Shute's  ap- 
pointment to  the  governorship  of  New  England, 
and  that,  though  so  new  a  comer,  he  knew  so  much 
about  New  England  affairs;  telling  him,  however, 
that  his  predecessors  had  regarded  the  savages  as 
under  no  other  government  but  their  own. 

Shute,  who  had  interrupted  Wiwurna  several  times, 
abruptly  exclaimed  "  How  is  that  ?" 

Wiwurna,  praying  leave  to  speak  out,  explained 
that  the  governor  had  been  pleased  to  say  that  they 
must  be  obedient  to  King  George,  and  that  they 
should  be  if  they  liked  the  offers  made  them.  To 
which  Shute  replied,  that  they  must  be  obedient 
to  the  king,  and  then  they  would  have  "  all  just 
Offers  and  Usage." 

Wiwurna  promised  obedience,  if  the  savages  were 
not  molested  in  the  improvement  of  their  lands,  which 
Shute  declared  they  should  not  be,  and  that  the  Eng- 
lish must  not  be  disturbed  in  their  rights.  They  were 
pleased,  said  Wiwurna,  at  being  permitted  to  make 


in  New  England.  75 

mention  of  wrongs  suffered  ;  but  Shute  returning  to 
the  principal  question  at  issue,  which  Wiwurna 
seemed  to  be  adroitly  avoiding,  pressed  the  point 
that  the  savages  must  desist  from  pretensions  to  lands 
belonging  by  purchase  to  the  English. 

Wiwurna,  still  evading  the  point,  begged  leave  to 
proceed  in  due  order  with  his  answer,  which  request 
being  granted,  he  promised,  that  if  the  savages  suf- 
fered wrong  they  would  not  avenge  themselves  but 
apply  to  the  governor  for  redress,  and  to  acquaint 
him  if  they  were  attacked  by  foreign  tribes,  against 
whom,  he  hoped,  their  young  men  might  defend 
them. 

With  blunt  generosity  Shute  exclaimed,  that  when 
they  wanted  help  his  young  men  should  assist  them, 
for  which  rather  hasty  offer  Wiwurna  thanked  the 
choleric  governor,  but  declared  that  no  complaints 
should  be  made  "without  real  proof  nor  for  any  friv- 
olous matter." 

Wiwurna  then  made  a  statement,  which  should  be 
especially  remembered,  for  it  was  made  voluntarily 
and  after  mature  deliberation  by  the  able  spokesman 
selected  by  Rale's  savages  to  uphold  their  cause,  and 
which  so  flatly  contradicts  the  position  which  the 
priest  constantly  assumed,  and  which  he  employs  so 
much  pathos  in  setting  forth  in  his  correspondence, 


76  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

to  the  effect  that  the  English  were  trespassers  upon 
the  territory  of  the  savages,  having  thrust  themselves 
upon  them  against  their  wishes. 

"  This  place,"  said  Wiwurna,  "  was  formerly  Set- 
tled and  is  now  Settling  at  our  request ;  And  we  now 
return  Thanks  that  the  English  are  come  to  Settle 
here,  and  will  Imbrace  them  in  our  Bosoms  that  come 
to  Settle  on  our  Lands."  Again  Shute  interrupted, 
taking  offense  at  the  word  "  our,"  and  exclaimed, 
"  They  must  not  call  it  their  Land,  for  the  English 
have  bought  it  of  them  and  their  Ancestors." 

"  We  pray  leave  to  proceed  in  our  Answer,  and  to 
talk  of  that  matter  afterwards,"  replied  Wiwurna,  "  We 
Desire  there  may  be  no  further  Settlements  made, 
We  shan't  be  able  to  hold  them  all  in  our  Bosoms, 
and  to  take  care  to  Shelter  them,  if  it  be  like  to  be 
bad  Weather,  and  Mischief  be  Threatened."  This 
objection  probably  refers  to  new  settlements  in  places 
which  had  not  been  occupied,  for  Shute  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  taken  notice  of  it.  "  All  people  have  a 
love  for  their  Ministers,"  continued  Wiwurna,  "and 
it  would  be  strange  if  we  should  not  love  them,  that 
come  from  God.  And  as  to  Bibles  your  Excellency 
mentioned,  We  desire  to  be  Excused  on  that  point. 
God  has  given  us  Teaching  already,  and  if  we 
should  go  from  that,  we  should  displease  God.  We 


in  New  England.  77 

are  not  capable  to  make  any  Judgment  about  Relig- 
ion." This  last  sentence  shows  the  hand  of  Rale, 
who  was  undoubtedly  present  but  did  not  show  him- 
self to  the  English.  Its  counterpart  may  be  found 
in  his  letter  to  Baxter  a  few  days  later.  Having  dis- 
posed of  the  Protestant  missionary  and  his  Bibles, 
Wiwurna  skilfully  sugared  the  disagreeable  subject 
with  regrets  and  compliments,  like  the  adroit  diplo- 
mat that  he  was. 

"  Your  Excellency,"  he  said,  "  was  not  sensible 
how  sick  we  were  yesterday  to  see  the  man-of-war 
ashore.  We  were  so  faint  we  could  not  Speak  out 
with  strength,  and  we  are  now  very  glad  the  Ship  is 
well.  We  are  very  glad  to  wait  on  your  Excellency 
and  to  tell  you  That  we  sent  our  young  Men  early  this 
Morning  to  see  if  the  Ship  was  well,  and  we  were 
very  glad  to  hear  she  was." 

Shute,  doubtless  enjoying  the  humorous  prevarica- 
tion, thanked  them  for  their  respect  for  his  majesty's 
ship,  but  when  Wiwurna  began  to  string  together 
good  wishes  for  fair  winds  and  propitious  weather 
for  his  return,  and  a  safe  passage  down  the  river, 
Shute  thought  it  time  to  bring  the  wily  savage  back 
to  the  main  point,  namely,  the  right  of  the  English 
to  occupy  the  lands  purchased  of  former  chiefs, 
whose  deeds  he  had  brought  for  their  inspection, 


78  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

and  he  pointed  his  demand  with  a  complaint  of  their 
lawless  acts.  To  all  this  Wiwurna  gave  no  answer 
but  gravely  asked  for  time  that  the  chiefs  might  con- 
sult and  frame  their  reply,  which  Shute  readily 
granted,  but  informed  them  that  he  should  expect  a 
positive  answer  in  the  afternoon  in  relation  to  the 
English  right  of  settlement,  and  as  their  fierce  dogs 
had  done  damage  to  the  settlers'  cattle,  he  demanded 
that  they  should  muzzle  them  when  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  cattle. 

The  conference  reassembled  at  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  and  Wiwurna  gave  the  result  of  the  delib- 
eration of  the  chiefs,  to  the  effect  that  they  would 
cut  off  their  lands  "as  far  as  the  Mills  and  the  coasts 
to  Pemaquid." 

11  Tell  them,"  said  the  governor,  impatiently,  that 
"  we  desire  only  what  is  our  own,  and  that  we  will 
have  it.  We  will  not  wrong  them,  but  what  is  our 
own  we  will  be  Masters  of." 

Wiwurna,  without  replying  to  this,  said  that  at  the 
treaty  at  Casco  it  was  promised  that  no  more  forts 
should  be  made,  and  Shute  replied  that  forts  were 
for  their  mutual  protection,  and  that  King  George 
built  forts  wherever  he  pleased  in  his  own  dominions 
as  the  French  king  did.  That  all  kings  possessed  that 
power,  and  the  governors  also  whom  they  appointed. 


in  New  England.  79 

Wiwurna,  now  pressed  to  the  point,  took  up  the 
delicate  question  of  territorial  rights,  and  said  that 
the  chiefs  did  not  understand  how  the  lands  were 
purchased  ;  that  what  lands  had  been  alienated  were 
by  gift,  whereupon  the  governor  exhibited  the 
Wharton  deed,  made  by  former  chiefs,  which  was 
read  to  Wiwurna  and  his  associates.  To  this 
Wiwurna  replied  that  they  had  nothing  to  say  about 
the  west  side  of  the  Kennebec,  but  were  sure  nothing 
had  been  sold  on  the  east  side.  The  question  of 
new  forts,  he  said,  troubled  them.  They  were  willing 
that  the  English  should  continue  to  possess  what 
they  held  already,  but  disliked  forts.  To  this  Shute 
replied  that  wherever  a  new  settlement  was  made, 
he  should  order  the  erection  of  a  fort  if  he  thought 
it  proper,  and  that  it  was  for  the  security  of  the  sav- 
ages as  well  as  of  the  English.  "Are  any  People," 
he  asked,  "  under  the  same  Government,  afraid  of 
being  made  too  strong  to  keep  out  enemies?" 
and  he  repeated  that  the  English  would  not  take 
an  inch  of  their  land  nor  part  with  an  inch  of  their 
own. 

Wiwurna  asked  if  they  were  to  have  the  privilege 
of  fishing  and  hunting  wherever  they  wished,  and 
this  being  answered  in  the  affirmative,  the  savages, 
who  had  grown  restive  under  the  sharp  interchange 


8o  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

of  conflicting  views,  arose  abruptly  and  without  tak- 
ing their  English  colors  left  the  assembly  without 
the  usual  courtesies  of  leave-taking.  In  the  evening, 
however,  they  returned  bearing  a  letter  from  Pere 
Rale  to  the  effect,  that  when  Vaudreuil,  the  Cana- 
dian governor,  was  in  France,  he  inquired  of  the 
French  king  if  he  had  ceded  the  land  of  the  savages 
to  the  English,  and  that  he  asserted  that  he  had  not 
done  so,  and  would  protect  them  against  English  en- 
croachments. This  was  an  artful  method  of  influenc- 
ing the  savages  against  the  English,  and  in  view  of 
the  articles  ceding  Acadia  to  the  English  crown,  was 
unfair  in  the  extreme.  Indignant  at  his  interference 
in  the  negotiations  between  him  and  the  savages, 
Shute  prepared  to  leave  without  further  attempt  to 
complete  a  treaty,  or  as  Baxter  in  his  Journal  says,  he 
"  resolved  not  to  buckle  to  them,  and  on  ye  Lord's 
Day  went  aboard,  &  acted  as  if  he  were  going  away, 
whereupon  the  Indians  quickly  sent  on  board  and  de- 
sired to  speak  with  ye  Governor  before  he  went 
away,"  to  which  the  governor  replied  that  he  would 
do  so  "  if  they  quitted  their  unreasonable  Preten- 
sions to  the  English  Lands,  and  Complied  with  what 
he  had  said,  but  not  otherwise,"  and  upon  receiving 
their  promise  to  do  so,  he  appointed  a  meeting  on 
shore  at  six  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and,  upon  their 


in  New  England.  81 

request,  restored  to  them  the  English  colors  which 
they  had  so  carelessly  abandoned. 

At  the  appointed  hour,  the  sachems  and  principal 
men  assembled  bearing  their  English  flag,  but  Wi- 
wurna  they  had  left  behind,  "because,"  they  said, 
practicing  a  little  diplomatic  fiction,  "  he  has  behaved 
himself  so  unproperly  yesterday." 

This  time  Querebemit  was  their  orator,  and  he  ex- 
pressed the  sorrow  of  the  people  for  their  former 
rude  carriage,  and  prayed  for  forgiveness,  adroitly  re- 
minding his  excellency,  that  he  had  himself  said,  that 
"  if  anything  should  happen  amiss  it  should  be  recti- 
fied." 

The  governor  assenting  to  this,  Querebemit  con- 
firmed in  behalf  of  his  people  the  former  agreements 
relative  to  English  settlement  on  the  Kennebec,  and 
said,  that  they  desired  them  to  settle  as  far  up  the 
river  as  they  had  ever  settled,  and  in  token  of  their 
sincerity  presented  a  belt  of  wampum  to  the  gover- 
nor, with  the  statement  that  they  desired  to  live  in 
peace.  To  this  the  governor  replied,  that  the  Eng- 
lish would  not  begin  a  quarrel,  and  the  savage  orator 
reiterated  fervently  the  hope  that  "  by  the  favor  of 
God  "  they  might  "  always  live  in  Peace  and  Unity  ;  " 
a  sentiment  to  which  the  governor  made  response 
"  We  pray  the  same." 


82  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

"  If  any  of  our  People,"  continued  Querebemit, 
should  happen  to  be  out  in  Cold  and  Stormy  Weather, 
we  desire  the  English  to  shelter  them.  We  shall  al- 
ways do  the  same  for  the  English,  and  God  Almighty 
hears  us  say  it."  "  It  is  doing  like  Christians,"  ex- 
claimed the  governor,  and  Querebemit  presenting 
another  belt  of  wampum,  again  repeated,  "  What  I 
have  said  God  Almighty  hears : "  and  responded 
Shute,  ft  We  say  the  same,  what  is  done  is  done  in 
the  presence  of  God." 

Shute  now  called  the  attention  of  the  savages  to 
some  of  their  "  miscarriages,"  but  Querebemit's  mind 
was  evidently  averse  to  dwelling  upon  the  past,  being 
occupied  with  thoughts  of  future  advantages,  and  he 
became  voluble  on  the  theme  of  liberal  supplies  of 
provisions  and  ammunition  ;  a  trading  house,  and  Mr. 
Minot,  "a  good  natur'd  Man  "to  manage  it;  "In- 
terpreter Jordan,"  "  a  good  Lock  Smith,"  and  so  forth. 
These  were  all  requested  and  readily  promised  by  the 
complacent  governor.  To  the  treaty  made  at  Ports- 
mouth several  articles  were  added,  and  that  every- 
thing might  be  understood,  the  treaty  was  read  to 
them  by  Jordan,  article  by  article,  "And  they  all  read- 
ily &  without  any  Objection  Consented  to  the  whole." 

The  additions  made  to  the  treaty  at  Portsmouth 
were  as  follows : 


in  New  England.  83 

"  George  Town  on  Arrow  sick  Island  in  His  Ma- 
jesty s  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New 
England,  the  1 2 th,  Day  of  August,  1717,  in  the  Fourth 
Year  of  the  Reign  of  Our  Sovereign  Lord  George,  by 
the  Grace  of  God,  of  Great  Britain,  France  &  Ire- 
land, K.  J.  N.  G.,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  &c. 

"  We  the  Subscribers  being  Sachems  and  Chief  Men 
of  the  several  Tribes  of  Indians  belonging  to  Kenne- 
beck,  Penobscot,  Pigivacket,  Saco,  and  other  the  East- 
ern Parts  of  His  Majesty's  Province  aforesaid,  having 
had  the  several  Articles  of  the  foregoing  Treaty  dis- 
tinctly Read  and  Interpreted  to  us,  by  a  Sworn  Inter- 
preter, at  this  time,  Do  Approve  of,  Recognize,  Ratify 
and  Confirm  all,  and  every  the  said  Articles  (except- 
ing only  the  Fourth  and  Fifth  Articles,  which  relate 
to  the  Restraint,  and  Limitation  of  Trade  and  Com- 
merce which  is  now  otherwise  managed?) 

"And  whereas  some  rash  &  inconsiderate  Persons 
amongst  us,  have  molested  some  of  our  good  fellow  Sub- 
jects the  English  in  the  Possession  of  their  Lands, 
and  otherwise  ill-  Treated  them,  We  do  Disapprove  & 
Condemn  the  same,  and  freely  Consent  that  our  Eng- 
lish Friends  shall  Possess,  Enjoy,  &  Improve  all  the 
Lands,  which  they  have  formerly  Possessed,  and  all 
which  they  have  obtained  a  Right  &  7itle  unto  : 
Hoping  it  will  prove  of  mutual  &  reciprocal  Bene- 


84  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

Jit  &  Advantage  to  them  &  us,  that  they  Cohabit 
with  us. 

11  In  Testimony,  and  Perpetual  Memory  whereof  We 
have  hereunto  set  our  Hands  &  Seals,  in  behalf  of 
our  Selves,  &  of  the  several  Tribes  of  the  Indians,  that 
have  delegated  us  to  appear  for,  and  Represent  them 
the  Day  and  Year  afore  mentioned." 

This  instrument  was  signed  by  twenty  of  the 
sachems  and  principal  savages,  and  was  witnessed 
by  several  English  gentlemen  and  young  Indians  of 
note  in  their  tribes,  after  which  "  the  Sachems  and 
Chief  Men  came  with  great  respect  &  offered  his 
Excellency  their  hands ;  one  of  them  declaring  that 
they  Desired  the  Peace  might  continue  as  long  as 
the  Sun  &  Moon  should  endure."  The  conference 
then  closed  as  usual  with  presents  to  the  savages  and 
dancing  by  the  young  men  of  the  tribes  present.1 

The  establishment  of  a  Protestant  missionary  at 
Arrowsic  to  teach  the  savages  in  the  vicinity,  or  who 

1  On  the  return  of  the  governor  to  Massachusetts, 
a  report  of  the  conference  was  made  public  in  a 
pamphlet  having  this  imprint :  BOSTON  :  printed 
by  B.  Green,  Printer  to  His  Excellency  the  GOV- 
ERNOR &  COUNCIL.  And  sold  by  Bmj.  Eliot, 
at  his  shop  below  the  Town  house,  1717.  It  has 
been  reprinted  in  the  Collections  of  the  Me.  Histor- 
ical Society,  vol.  3,  pp.  359-375. 


in  New  England.  85 

resorted  there,  was  enough  to  intensify  the  animosity 
of  Rale  against  the  English,  and  the  savages,  under- 
standing the  situation,  took  delight  in  adding  fuel  to 
the  flame.  Although  Rale  well  knew  the  deceptive 
character  of  the  savages,  for  "  Nothing,"  he  says,  is 
"more  dissembling  than  an  Indian's  News;  he  will 
tell  pleasing  News  for  drink  or  a  better  bargain,"  he 
accepted  as  true  the  idle  tales,  which  they  carried  to 
him  respecting  the  preaching  of  the  Protestant  mis- 
sionary, and  he  wrote  him  what  he  denominates,  "une 
lettre  honnete,"  stating,  in  the  words  used  by  the 
savages  at  the  conference  a  few  days  before,  that  his 
"  Christians  knew  how  to  believe  the  truths  which 
the  Catholic  Faith  teaches,  but  knew  not  how  to  dis- 
pute about  them,"  and  he  accompanied  his  letter  with 
a  "  memorial  of  about  a  hundred  pages,"  in  which 
he  says  :  "  I  proved  by  Scripture,  by  tradition,  &  by 
theological  reasons  the  truths  which  he  had  attacked 
by  stale  enough  pleasantries." 

Baxter,  when  he  received  Rale's  letter,  was  on  the 
point  of  returning  to  Boston.  The  manner  in  which 
he  met  the  priest's  unwarranted  attack,  compares  well 
with  what  we  know  of  the  dignified  character  of  the 
man.  The  cause  to  which  he  had  devoted  his  life, 
and  for  which  he  toiled  until  death  arrested  his  labors, 
was  too  important  in  his  estimation  to  permit  him  to 


86  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

waste  precious  time  in  unprofitable  theological  dis- 
putation, and  he  replied  in  a  letter,  the  brevity  of 
which  elicited  a  complaint  from  Rale,  who  also 
affected  to  find  it  so  illiterate  as  to  be  understood 
only,  "  by  dint  of  reasoning,"  a  charge  which  is  un- 
supported by  fact. 

The  dignified  course  adopted  by  the  Protestant 
minister,  whom  Rale  to  increase  the  lustre  of  his 
triumph  denominates  "  the  ablest  of  the  Boston 
ministers,"  in  spite  of  his  alleged  illiteracy,  was  not 
appreciated  by  the  disputatious  priest,  who  promptly 
returned  to  the  charge,  and  although  the  letter  which 
he  had  received  was  so  brief,  he  undertook  the  un- 
dignified task  of  pointing  out  its  blunders,  "  je  rele- 
vois  les  defauts  de  la  sienne."  This  letter,  Rale 
informs  us,  remained  unanswered  for  two  years,  and 
then,  he  says,  the  writer,  "  without  entering  into  the 
matter,"  was  contented  to  reprove  him  for  having 
"1'esprit  chagrin  &  critique, —  la  marque  d'un  tem- 
perament enclin  a  la  colere."  The  boastful  spirit  of 
Rale,  so  often  exhibited  in  his  writings,  is  illustrated 
in  the  closing  paragraph  relating  to  this  affair.  The 
Rev.  Joseph  Baxter  was  not  a  resident  missionary 
on  the  Kennebec,  but  made  temporary  visits  to  that 
dangerous  outpost,  a  portion  of  his  time  being  de- 
voted to  missionary  work  farther  west ;  but  Rale 


in  New  England.  87 

would  have  his  nephew  believe  that  he  drove  Baxter 
away  by  overcoming  him  in  theological  disputation  ; 
for  he  says,  "  Thus  ended  our  dispute,  which  sent 
away  the  Minister,  &  which  rendered  abortive  the 
project  that  he  had  formed  of  seducing  my  Neo~ 
phytes." 

The  fallacy  of  this  claim  is  so  apparent  even  in 
Rale's  own  account  of  the  affair  as  to  need  no  other 
refutation.1  That  Protestant  missionary  effort  was 
productive  of  little  result  at  this  period  is  not 
strange.  The  difference  between  the  two  forms  of 
worship,  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant,  is  sufficient 
to  account  for  this.  The  Roman  ritual  with  its 
pomp  and  glitter,  preserved  in  some  degree  even  in 

1  The  letters  of  the  Rev.  Joseph  Baxter  to  Rale, 
which  have  been  preserved,  are  reproduced  in  the 
Collection  of  Documents  at  the  end  of  this  volume, 
as  well  as  a  fac  simile  page  of  one  of  them,  that  the 
reader  may  form  an  idea  of  the  justness  of  his  ad- 
versary's criticism.  The  neatness  and  precision  of 
the  writing  are  an  indication  of  a  careful  and  well- 
trained  mind.  It  would  be  strange,  indeed,  if  the 
Latin  of  a  New  England  minister  in  the  early  part 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  did  not  differ  in  some  par- 
ticulars from  that  of  a  Romanist  taught  in  France, 
and  by  whom  the  language  was  in  daily  use  ;  but 
however  great  the  differences  might  have  been,  as  the 
Puritan  divine  well  said,  an  aptitude  in  conjugating 
Latin  verbs  had  little  to  do  in  saving  savage  souls. 


88  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

the  wilderness,  was  attractive  to  the  savages,  and 
they  regarded  with  contempt  the  simplicity  so  dear 
to  New  England  Protestantism.  It  may  well  be 
doubted,  however,  if  any  of  the  missions  among  the 
savages  at  this  time  were  productive  of  much  sound 
spiritual  fruit.  The  wild  neophyte  had  no  concep- 
tion of  the  second  of  the  dual  prescripts,  for  if  there 
was  anything  which  he  cherished  in  his  heart  of 
hearts,  it  was  hatred  of  an  enemy.  Anything  like 
mercy  to  a  foe  was,  in  his  creed,  unmanly  and  de- 
grading ;  hence,  the  so-called  Christian  convert  could 
gloat  over  the  most  cruel  tortures  inflicted  upon  a 
helpless  prisoner,  and  immediately  participate  in  re- 
ligious exercises  with  apparent  zest.  This  leads  us 
to  doubt  the  genuineness  of  many  of  the  conversions, 
which  the  missionaries  of  this  period  claimed  to  have 
made,  and  to  ascribe  their  belief  in  them  to  a  fervor 
of  sentiment,  which  gave  a  fictitious  coloring  to 
facts. 

This  seems  not  less  probable  when  we  consider  a 
prevalent  condition  of  mind,  which  seriously  regarded 
strange  portents,  the  agency  of  witchcraft  in  human 
affairs,  and  other  unrealities  quite  as  fanciful,  a  con- 
dition of  mind  not  confined  to  any  nationality  or 
religious  class,  and  revealing  a  credulity  in  some 
cases  altogether  fatuous.  The  mysterious  solitude 


in  New  England.  89 

of  vast  forests;  the  presence  of  a  wild  and  uncouth 
people,  suggestive  almost  of  kinship  to  infernal 
powers;  the  lack  of  mental  attrition  with  men  pos- 
sessing well-trained  faculties,  would,  in  themselves, 
influence  minds  friendly  to  speculation,  and  affect 
judgment  in  all  matters  in  penetralia  mentis. 

If  we  may  believe  his  converts,  Rale  entertained  a 
belief  in  omens  and  visions  quite  as  fantastical  as 
some  of  his  contemporaries  on  the  English  side;  but 
little  of  this  nature  respecting  him  has  been  recorded,1 

1  This  appears  from  the  Journal  of  Rev.  Joseph 
Baxter,  of  Medfield.  He  says  under  date  of  Oct. 
27,  1717  :  "I  preached  at  George  Town.  I  had  an 
account  from  Captn  Giles,  of  his  being  informed  by  ye 
Indians  yt  the  Jesuit  still  predicted  yt  ye  world  would 
soon  come  to  an  end,  yt  it  would  be  in  49  days." 
Some  weeks  before  he  recorded,  that  certain  Indians 
had  related  to  him  a  similar  prediction,  and  April  23, 
1718,  "I  discussed  with  Three  Indians,  one  of  them 
gave  an  account  likewise  of  an  apparition  that  the 
Jesuit  at  Norridgewock  saw,  who,  Lying  alone  in  his 
wigwam,  awaked  in  the  night,  and  saw  a  great 
Light,  as  if  his  wigwam  had  been  on  fire,  whereupon 
he  got  up  &  went  abroad,  and  after  some  time  he 
returned  to  his  wigwam  &  went  to  sleep  again,  and 
after  a  while  he  awaked,  and  felt  as  it  were  a  hand 
upon  his  throat,  yt  almost  choaked  him,  &  saw  a  great 
light  again,  and  heard  a  voice  saying:  "  It  is  vain  for 
you  to  take  any  pains  with  these  Indians,  your  chil- 
dren, for  I  have  got  possession  of  them.  The  Jesuit 
likewise  said,  yt  there  was  a  Letter  brought  to  him, 


90  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

and  this  comes  from  savage  sources  too  unreliable 
for  evidence.  Knowing  the  superstition  of  the  savage 
mind  he  may  have  bent  it  to  a  useful  purpose. 

Although  peace  between  the  French  and  English 
continued,  the  situation  of  the  frontier  settlers  was 
painful  in  the  extreme.  They  were  continually  har- 
assed by  rumors  of  savage  outbreaks,  and  after 
getting  their  rude  cabins  erected,  and  the  land  about 
them  cleared,  many  would  abandon  them  and  seek 
safer  places  of  abode.  Many  of  the  savages  were 
friendly  and  desired  the  English  to  settle  near  them. 
One  of  them  remarked  to  Capt.  Giles  at  Brunswick, 
that  he  did  not  understand  what  the  French  governor 
meant  "by  hindring  ye  English  from  settling  here  un- 
less he  is  afraid  y*  we  shall  live  too  happy  together."1 

A  short  time  after,  Capt.  Westbrook,  at  the  block 
house  at  St.  George,  showed  a  number  of  Kennebec 

which  was  written  in  the  name  of  an  Indian  yt  was 
dead,  wherein  he  declared  yt  he  was  now  burning  in 
a  most  horrible  fire.  He  shewed  this  Letter  to  the 
Indians,  but  first  tore  off  the  nameyt  was  subscribed, 
&  did  not  let  them  know  who  he  was.  The  letter 
was  written  in  ye  Indian  Tongue.  This  Apparition,  he 
said,  was  about  forty  days  ago."  A  copy  of  this 
Journal  made  by  the  Hon.  Joseph  Williamson  may 
be  found  in  the  archives  of  the  Me.  Historical  Society. 
1  Vide  Journal  of  the  Rev.  Joseph  Baxter  of  Med- 
field,  archives  of  the  Me.  Historical  Society. 


in  New  England.  91 

savages  the  letter  written  by  Rale  to  Governor  Shute, 
already  spoken  of,  and  which  was  written  in  the 
names  of  all  the  savages,  and  he  read  to  them  the 
threats  made  to  burn  the  settlers'  houses ;  "  where- 
upon they  said  yl  Patrahows,  i.  e.,  the  Jesuit  Lied,  and 
he  was  very  wicked,  &c.,  and  y*  They  desired  always 
to  live  in  friendship  and  Brotherhood  with  the  Eng- 
lish." Soon  after,  Westbrook  had  an  opportunity  to 
show  this  letter  to  some  Penobscot  chiefs,  who,  also, 
expressed  ignorance  of  it,  and  declared  their  desire 
to  live  with  the  English  "  as  Brothers."  But  this 
was  not  to  be  permitted.  In  the  spring  of  1719, 
John  Minot  and  Joseph  Heath  were  sent  by  Governor 
Shute  with  a  message  to  the  natives  of  Norridge. 
wock,  and  after  their  return,  affidavit  was  made  that 
the  natives  asserted  that  they  were  continually  urged 
by  Rale  to  attack  the  English  settlements  ;  that  King 
George  was  not  the  right  king,  that  he  came  in  at  the 
back  door,  and  that  there  was  "Another,  who  was  the 
right  heir  to  the  crown."1 

1  Vide  Maine  Historical  Quarterly  for  1890,  p. 
372  ;  Depositions  of  Lewis  Bane,  Esq.,  and  John 
Minot,  mercht.  ;  also,  Collection  Mass.  Historical 
Society,  2d  series,  vol.  VIII,  p.  265  ;  Letter  of  Joseph 
Heath  and  John  Minot  to  Gov.  Shute  as  follows  : 
"After  the  Jesuit  had  talk't  with  us  as  before  inserted 
in  the  name  of  the  Indians  (as  he  said  we  told  the 


92  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

This  report,  with  the  threatening  attitude  of  the 
savages,  alarmed  the  English,  and  awakened  animos- 
ity, for  awhile  dormant,  toward  Rale,  and  the  Gen- 
eral Court  passed  a  resolve  to  send  a  hundred  and 
fifty  men  to  Norridgewock  to  compel  the  savages  to 
make  amends  for  their  depredations  upon  the  set- 
tlers, and  to  arrest  Rale  and  take  him  to  Boston. 
The  Council,  however,  wishing  to  avoid  war  if  pos- 
sible, did  not  assent  to  this  resolve,  and  it  was  set 
aside. 

Though  fickle  and  unreliable,  the  savages  dreaded 
war  with  the  English,  whose  power  they  realized;  but 
Rale  was  advised  by  Vaudreuil  to  urge  them  to  prevent 
English  settlement.  Their  naive  reply  was  a  re- 
quest for  the  French  king  to  do  so,  and  that  they 

principall  Indians  thereof,  who  said  the  Jesuit  had 
told  us  wrong  storeys,  and  calling  a  councell  declaired 
they  did  not  consent  to  what  the  Jesuit  said,  and  that 
he  spoke  his  mind  and  not  theirs,  and  that  they  did 
not  imploy  him  to  write  any  letter  for  them,  and  that 
if  he  sent  any  letters  at  any  time,  they  desire  your 
Excellency  would  receive  them  as  his  letters  and  not 
theirs.  Its  our  humble  oppinions  that  the  Fryer  is 
an  incendiary  of  mischief  amongst  these  Indians 
and  that  were  it  not  for  his  pernicious  suggestions, 
your  Excellency  would  not  meet  with  any  trouble 
from  them."  This  statement  is  in  harmony  with  re- 
peated utterances  of  the  savages  to  others  who  have 
left  similar  records. 


in  New  England.  93 

had  granted  to  the  English  the  privilege  of  coming 
"  half  way  from  Sagadahock  to  Norridgewock."  But 
they  were  not  permitted  to  remain  at  peace  even  if 
they  would.  Vaudreuil  and  Begon  were  especially 
instructed  by  the  king,  to  hinder  traffic  between  them 
and  the  English.  The  cattle  of  the  frontiersmen 
were  killed,  and  when  one  of  them  complained,  Rale 
wrote  Vaudreuil  the  savage's  reply,  which  he  had 
doubtless  inspired.  "  Complain  as  much  as  you  wish 
to  the  governor;  he  is  not  my  judge  and  has  noth- 
ing to  do  with  me.  For  the  payment  of  your  cattle 
you  should  ask  him  who  has  told  you  to  build 
there."1  The  action  of  the  French  in  exciting  the 

1 "  Pour  ce  qui  regarde  ceux  de  Narantsouaks,  je 
vois  par  les  lettres  du  Pere  Rasle  qu'ils  ne  se  de- 
mentent  point.  Ce  missionnaire  me  marque  par  sa 
lettre  du  15  Septembre  qu'il  avoit  regu,  en  lafinissant, 
une  lettre  d'un  Anglois  qui  s'est  boti  dans  la  Riviere 
de  Narantsouak,  par  laquelle  il  se  plaint  que  les 
Sauvages  tuent  ses  bestiaux  et  demande  qu'ils  les 
payent  et  cessent  de  les  tuer,  autrement  qu'il  s'en 
plaindraau  Gouverneur  ;  et  que  pourreponse  il  avoit 
marqu£  &  cet  Anglois  qu'il  avoit  fait  assembler  les 
Sauvages  pour  savoir  ceux  qui  avoient  tue  ces  besti- 
aux et  deliberer  du  payement ;  que  c'estoit  tout  ce 
qu'il  pouvoit  faire,  et  qu'il  lui  envoierait  la  reponse  de 
ces  Sauvages,  cette  reponse  est  en  ces  termes : 

'  Plains-toi  tant  que  tu  voudras  au  Gouverneur,  ce 
n'est  point  mon  juge,  et  il  n'a  rien  &  voir  sur  moi. 
Pour  le  payment  de  tes  bestiaux,  tu  le  demanderas  & 


94  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

savages  to  prevent  the  English  from  settling  in  East- 
ern Maine  was  a  terrible  wrong.  They  certainly  had 
as  much  right  to  settle  there  as  the  French  had  to 
settle  along  their  own  frontiers,  a  right  which  the 
English  did  not  have  the  hardihood  to  question  ; 
nevertheless,  they  persisted  in  their  ungenerous 
course,  and  Vaudreuil  and  Begon  wrote  home  on  the 
26th  of  October,  1720,  "  Father  Rale  continues  to  ex- 
cite the  savages  of  the  Norridgewock  mission  not  to 
suffer  the  English  to  spread  over  their  lands."  And 
the  king  replied,  "  His  Majesty  is  gratified  with  the 
pains  which  Father  Rale  continues  to  take  to  excite 
the  savages  of  the  Norridgewock  mission  not  to  suffer 
the  English  to  establish  themselves  on  their  lands."1 

celui  qui  t'as  dit  de  te  batir  la/  Voil&  une  reponse 
vigoureuse,  mais  il  est  &  craindre  que  ces  Sauvages 
et  ceux  de  Panaowamske  et  de  la  Riviere  St  Jean  ne 
puissent  pas  se  soutenir  contre  les  Anglois,  s'il  est 
vrai  comme  la  Pere  Rasle  me  marque  que  le  Gouver- 
neur  de  Baston  va  envoyer  200  families  anglaises  pour 
habiter  la  Riviere  Ponaowamske,  etc."  Vide  Rapport 
de  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  au  Conseil.  Quebec,  le  31 
Octobre,  1718.  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol. 

3.  P-  32. 

1 "  Le  Pere  R&lle  continue  &  exciter  les  Sauvages 
de  la  mission  de  Narantsouak  a  ne  point  souffrir  les 
Anglois  des'etendre  sur  leurs  terres."  "  Sa  Majeste 
est  satisfaite  des  soins  que  le  Pere  Rasle,  jesuite, 
continue  de  se  donner  pour  exciter  les  Sauvages  de 


in  New  England.  95 

The  church  at  Norridgewock  was  completed  in 
the  autumn  of  1720.  Funds  had  been  furnished  by 
the  French  king  to  build  it,  and  the  work  was  per- 
formed by  English  workmen.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  Pere  Charlevoix  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
that  Rale,  who  had  made  attempts  to  prevent  the 
English  from  settling  on  the  lower  Kennebec,  had 
not  thought  it  possible  to  employ  all  his  authority, 
since  this  would  have  uselessly  exposed  his  life,  and 
would  not  have  prevented  the  settlement  of  the 
English,  who,  finding  out  what  the  Jesuit  had  done 
to  hinder  them,  would  not  fail  to  put  a  price  on  his 
head,  as  they  did  in  the  case  of  Father  Aubrey, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  former  war,  for  the  same 
reason.1  Yet  he  was  not  inactive.  A  letter  which 

sa  mission  de  Narantsouak,  et  ne  point  souffrir  que  les 

Anpflois  s'  etablissent  sur  leurs  terres.  —  Sa  Maieste 

&  >  i   •  j  •  • 

approuvera  qu  on  ne  laissepar  manquerde  munitions 

les  Sauvages  de  ces  trois  missions,  et  qu'on  les  sou- 
tienne  en  cas  qu'ils  soient  attaques  centre  raison  par 
les  Anglois."  Lettre  de  Messieurs  Vaudreuil  et 
Begon  au  Ministre.  A  Quebec,  le  26,  8  bre,  1 720 ;  and 
Memoire  du  Roy  Aux  Sieurs  de  Vaudreuil  et  Begon. 
Versailles,  le  8  juin,  1721.  Collection  de  Manuscrits, 
etc.,  vol.  3,  pp.  48,  54. 

1  Vide  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  3,  p. 
52.  Memoire  sur  les  limites  de  1'Acadia  envoye  & 
Monseigneur  le  Due  D'Orleans  par  le  Pere  Charle- 
voix, Quebec,  le  29  Octobre,  1720. 


96  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

he  wrote  to  Capt.  Moody  near  the  close  of  the  year 
1719,  greatly  aroused  the  indignation  of  the  English. 
Judge  Sewall,  under  date  of  March  7,  1720,  says 
that  it  was  read  in  Council  on  that  date,  and  calls  it 
"  Friar  Ralle's  railing  Letter."1  The  principal 
portion  of  the  letter  has  been  preserved,  which  is  as 

follows : 

'•'Feb.  7,  1720. 

"  The  Governor  (Shute)  solicits  some  Indians  to 
go  to  England.  If  they  do  I  shall  drive  them  forever 
from  the  Church  &  the  Indians  would  then  remove 
them  from  being  of  their  Kindred,  for  mere  External 
Consenting  to  it,  through  Complaisance.  I  will  not 
receive  them  in  a  year:  You  must  know  a  Missionary 
is  not  a  Cipher  like  a  Minister.  The  Indians  hold 
no  Council  but  they  call  me  to  it  &  when  they  have 
deliberated  ask  my  thoughts.  If  I  approve,  I  say 
that's  well,  If  not,  I  say  so  &  give  my  reasons,  for 
we  must  give  them  reasons.  '  Well,'  say  they,  '  Let 
it  be  as  our  father  says,'  they  in  their  Councils  always 
having  my  presence  &  admitting  my  correcting, 
hence  the  Treaty  at  Arrowsick  could  not  be  admitted 
in  this  Village,  much  less  with  those  at  Canada,  who, 
when  they  heard  of  it,  their  people  that  Live  in  two 

1  Vide  Sewall  Papers,  5th  Series,  Mass.  Histori- 
cal Society's  Collections,  vol.  3,  p.  245. 


in  New  England.  97 

great  Villages  &  the  Mohawks,  the  Algonkins,  the 
Hurons,  &c.,  sent  two  young  men  hither  to  disallow 
&  reject  it. 

"  They  approve  of  Nothing  but  what  Ouaourene  1 
spoke  ;  he  had  the  word  of  the  Nation  &  said  to  the 
Governor,  '  this  is  what  I  send  thee :  thou  shalt  not 
go  beyond  that  mill,  which  I  see  from  hence  &  among 
the  habitations  thou  shalt  build  no  fort.'  Says  the 
Governor,  'I'll  build  a  hundred  If  I  please.'  Then 
said  Ouaourene  to  his  people,  '  Let  us  begone,  it's 
vain  talking  here.' 

"  This  only  that  passed  at  that  Treaty  was  received 
by  the  Indians  of  Canada  &  this  Village,  this  is  also 
what  I  govern  myself  by. 

"  If  the  Indians  kill  Cattle  below  the  Mill  towards 
the  seaside  they  must  absolutely  pay  for  them,  but 
from  the  Mill  on  this  side,  I  exhort  them  not  to  do  it, 

1  This  is  the  same  chief  called  by  the  English  Wi- 
wurna,  and  Rale,  artfully  assumed  that  all  that  took 
place  after  Wiwurna  left  the  conference  with  Shute 
on  the  afternoon  of  August  loth  was  null ;  nor  did 
he  fail  to  exercise  all  his  power  to  prevent  the  cement- 
ing of  friendship  with  the  English,  even  to  the  ex- 
tent of  excommunication.  No  wonder  that  the  indig- 
nation of  the  English  was  deeply  aroused  at  such  an 
extraordinary  assumption,  although  they  were  not 
perhaps  fully  aware  of  his  efforts  to  prevent  friendly 
relations  between  them  and  the  Savages. 

13 


98  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

because  you  improve  the  Land  against  the  Consent 
of  the  people  of  the  Land,  So  that  whatever  was 
said  after  the  breaking  up  is  Null  although  it  be 
printed. 

"The  Indians  have  Wit  for  everything  which  regards 
them,  they  speak  in  their  Councils  well  without  study- 
ing. The  reason  is,  the  Indian  has  none  but  his  own 
affairs  in  his  head,  the  Europeans  have  many.  All 
Boston  is  not  so  certainly  informed  as  I  am  of  every 
considerable  thing  that  passeth  in  Europe,  so  that  I 
am  not  in  pain  to  refute  the  false  News  which  the 
English  tell  the  Indians.  When  the  Governor  said 
to  the  Indians  at  Piscataqua,  that  he  had  been  in  the 
army,  and  was  always  victorious,  the  Indians  diver- 
ted themselves  with  it,  saying,  'he  thinks  to  fright 
us ; '  some  said,  '  we  wish  war  was  begun  presently, 
that  we  might  see  If  he  be  such  a  warrior.' 

"  The  Governor  told  the  Indians  at  Piscataqua  that 
King  George,  '  my  king '  or  '  ours '  had  so  Conquered 
the  King  of  France  that  he  could  not  Live,  If  he  had 
not  granted  him  some  part  of  his  Land  to  Live  on. 
The  Indians  whom  I  had  instructed  about  the  Terms 
of  the  peace  were  Scandalized  saying,  he  would  by 
this  take  us  off  from  the  King  of  France,  that  he 
might  attach  all  to  his  King,  and  only  scorned  him. 
I  should  blush  to  relate  their  words  ;  for  my  part,  I 


in  New  England.  99 

accuse  the  interpreter,  for  you  have  not  one  interpre- 
ter that  can  Explain  faithfully  in  the  Indian  Lan- 
guage :  they  speak  nothing  but  Gibberish. 

"  They  Enquire  about  my  words  :  do  they  intend  to 
unite  against  me  to  drive  me  from  my  Mission  ?  that 
would  be  a  retirement  from  misery,  both  by  the  In- 
dians who  can't  furnish  me  with  Butter  or  Cheese, 
but  Indian  Corn  ;  besides,  I  shall  have  the  same 
Merit  before  God  as  if  I  had  finished  my  Life  in  the 
misery  to  which  I  consented  at  my  coming  among 
the  Indians,  but,  upon  my  quitting  my  Mission,  It 
may  happen,  '  deficiente  uno  non  deficit  alter  aureus 
et  Simile  frendescit  virga  metallo'.  You  may  like- 
wise think  that  I  sha'n't  be  made  to  Leave  it  for  such 
trifles :  whatever  you  may  think  you  can't  move  me. 

"  i.  All  debates  in  Indian's  Councils,  If  I  approve, 
it  Stands.  If  not  It's  changed  or  Nulled. 

"  2.  Any  Treaty  with  the  Governor,  particularly 
that  of  Arrowsick  is  Null,  If  I  don't  approve  it, 
though  the  Indians  have  consented,  for  I  bring  them 
so  many  reasons  against  it  that  they  absolutely  con- 
demn what  they  have  done. 

"  3.  The  English  tell  them,  I  have  bought  of  the 
ancient  Indians  such  and  such  Lands.  I  tell  them 
'twas  after  this  manner,  the  Englishman  offers  a 
bottle  of  rum  for  such  a  tract  of  Land  ;  the  Indians 


ioo  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

agree  ;  the  English  ask  the  Indian's  name  and  writes 
it  down  and  so  the  bargain  is  made,  and  shown  to 
dazzle  the  Indian's  Eyes  ;  the  Indian  and  English, 
too,  knows  this  is  not  buying  :  furthermore  by  the 
Laws  of  all  Kingdoms  the  Guardians  of  pupils  can't 
sell  or  alienate  the  Estates  of  the  pupils.  I  say  to 
the  Indians  you  are  masters  of  the  Land  which  God 
has  given  you  to  Live  on,  but  though  the  English 
should  give  all  their  treasures  they  can't  buy  it,  be- 
cause your  Children  whose  Guardians  you  are,  will 
forever  reenter  into  their  Estates  :  this  is  a  Law 
established  all  the  world  over. 

"  Moreover  if  the  English  had  bought  the  Land  in 
form,  you  having  retaken  it  three  times  by  force  of 
arms  are  become  masters  of  it.  All  this  I  wrote  to 
Mr.  Dudley. 

"4.  The  Indians  will  that  presently  &  absolutely 
those  that  are  settled  in  the  river  quit  it  ;  because  I 
have  shown  them  Evidently,  that  If  they  did  not 
make  them  retire  they  would  Lose  their  Lands,  and, 
by  greater  misfortune,  their  prayers ;  they  are  con- 
vinced of  it  now,  having  added  to  them  that  If  they 
did  not  do  it,  I  would  go  away  from  them.  I  say, 
then  that  from  the  Mill  on  this  side,  I  will  not  that 
there  should  remain  so  much  as  one  habitation  where 
several  are,  only  because  John  Giles  bid  them  sit 


in  New  England.  101 

down  there.  He  does  such  fine  actions ;  he  Loves 
Ketermogus,1  a  Cipher  in  the  Village,  but  he's  hated 
by  the  greater  part,  wherefore  according  to  my 
thoughts,  the  Governor  will  do  well  to  cause  them 
to  withdraw  before  the  Treaty,  to  save  them  the 
shame  of  being  driven  away  by  the  Indians,  for  as- 
suredly, there  shall  not  one  remain  there. 

"  The  Traders  in  Brandy  to  the  Indians  had  by  their 
declarations  in  Canada  a  fine  set  upon  them  of  a 
thousand  Crowns,  and  he  that  could  not  pay  it  was 
condemned  to  the  Chain  and  to  be  whipped  through 

JThe  reason  of  Rale's  animosity  against  this  chief 
was  caused  by  his  desire  to  maintain  peaceful  rela- 
tions with  the  English  settlers.  He  appears  to  have 
been  an  old  man  at  this  time,  and,  in  common  with 
many  of  the  older  men,  to  have  endeavored  to  dis- 
suade the  younger  and  more  violent  men  from  listen- 
ing to  the  bad  counsels  of  the  French,  foreseeing 
that  war  would  ultimately  be  disastrous  to  his  people. 
He  was  on  friendly  terms  with  Capt.  John  Giles,  the 
commander  of  the  fort  at  Brunswick.  Taken  a  cap- 
tive when  a  lad  by  the  savages,  and  having  lived  with 
them  for  a  period  of  eight  years,  Giles  had  acquired 
a  knowledge  of  their  language,  and,  understanding 
their  idiosyncracies,  was  in  a  position  to  exercise  a 
considerable  influence  over  them.  This  rendered  him 
particularly  obnoxious  to  Rale,  whose  declaration 
that  he  spoke  nothing  but  gibberish,  must  be  taken 
with  allowance,  or  placed  in  the  category  of  state- 
ments shown  in  this  work  to  be  unsupported  by  facts. 


IO2  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

the  Town.  There  is  no  Justice  among'st  the  Eng- 
lish, who  have  never  given  them  any,  Even  under 
this  Governor,  I  think  to  do  it  myself. 

"  If  Rum  drinking  continues,  the  drinker  of  Rum 
shall  find  wherewithall  to  eat,  by  suffering  him  to  kill 
one  of  the  cattle  belonging  to  him  that  shall  have 
given  him  drink.  And  if  he  won't  kill  it  for  fear  of 
being  refused  it  another  time,  another  that  is  not  a 
drinker  shall  kill  it ;  this  I  think  to  propose  to  the 
men,  when  they  come  home,  and  I  am  sure  they'll 
hear  me  with  pleasure. 

"  I  can't  by  my  Character  carry  them  forth  to  war, 
I  can  absolutely  hinder  them  when  they  haven't  solid 
reasons  for  it,  but  when  they  have  any,  I  sha'n't  hin- 
der them,  as  for  example,  to  preserve  their  Land 
whereon  depends  their  prayers,  or  any  considerable 
wrong  that's  done  to  them,  in  these  cases  I'll  tell 
them  they  may  make  war. 

"The  views  of  your  Governor  are  fine  &  generous  ; 
he  desires  war,  and  being  a  warrior  he  must  not 
wonder  at  it,  but  I'm  sure  he  would  be  astonished  at 
an  Indian  war,  five  forts  and  many  houses  in  Arrow- 
sick  were  reduced  to  ashes  in  one  day. 

"  The  English  say  it's  the  Fryer  or  Mr.  Vaudreuil 
that  stirs  up  war,  but  'twi'l  be  said  at  the  Conference 
(where  I  shall  be  &  upon  their  desire,  perhaps,  speak 


in  New  England.  103 

for  the  Indians)  'tis  you  English,  you  seize  our 
Lands  against  our  will  &  thereby  take  away  our 
prayers,  more  valuable  than  our  Lands  or  bodies ; 
you  would  govern  us  ;  I  desire  your  Governor  may 
know  this.  I  am  actually  composing  an  ample 
writing  about  these  things  to  send  to  the  King  of 
France,  that  he  see  what  I  do  to  preserve  my  Indians 
in  their  Lands  &  prayers,  which  depend  thereon ; 
herein  I  heard  the  King's  designs  reported  to  me  by 
Mr.  Vaudreuil,  Last  fall,  and  three  years  before  that 
I  should  assist  the  Indians  to  preserve  their  Lands  & 
prayers;  to  move  me  he  has  assigned  me  a  consider- 
able pension  of  6,000  francs  till  my  death ;  all  this 
goes  away  in  Good  Works ;  this  I  suppose  comes 
because  your  Governor  has  threatened  he  will  have 
me  taken  up,  or  cause  me  to  quit  by  writing  to  his 
King  against  me  ;  the  Indians  told  it  to  Mr.  Vau- 
dreuil who  wrote  it  to  the  Court,  since  which  I  am 
more  and  more  strengthened  here. 

"  I'll  cause  my  book  to  be  printed,  presented  to 
the  King  &  the  public,  that  it  may  be  seen  what  I 
do  for  my  Children.  Shall  they  be  Cheated,  driven 
from  their  Lands  &  prayers,  &  shall  not  I  counsel  & 
defend  them;  they  shall  sooner  take  away  my  Life 
than  hinder  me.  The  book  shall  be  Embellished 
with  figures  of  Rhetoric,  Epigrams,  Poetry,  &c.  A 


104  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

Jesuit  is  not  a  Baxter  or  a  Boston  Minister.  I'll 
describe  how  the  English  treat  the  Indians,  killing 
them  &  their  dogs,  dearer  to  him  than  his  Oxen  ; 
would  govern  him  &  possess  all  his  Land  without  his 
Consent,  to  his  own  great  profit,  and  when  the 
Indian  says  to  the  English,  'why  do  you  thus'  the 
answer  is,  '  you  offend  me,  your  father  bid  you 
say  it.'  " 

This  letter,  so  threatening,  so  arrogant  and  so 
vain,  was  read  by  the  sober  magistrates  of  Boston 
with  surprise.  No  men  were  less  likely  than  they 
to  be  intimidated  by  threats,  or  moved  to  regard 
priestly  assumption  with  respect.  They  understood 
now,  if  they  had  not  before,  what  they  had  to  ex- 
pect and  the  source  of  their  peril  was  plainly  re- 
vealed to  them. 

The  method  of  reasoning,  which  rendered  it  im- 
possible for  men  once  in  possession  of  land  to  ever 
alienate  it  under  any  conditions  ;  no  matter  if  their 
tenure  were  by  recent  conquest,  as  in  this  case,  or,  if 
alienation  were  legal,  that  they  possessed  the  right 
of  taking  it  back  again  by  force  ;  the  proposition  to 
make  it  lawful,  in  this  instance  equitable,  for  one  who 
purchased  intoxicants  of  another  to  despoil  him  of 
his  property  or  to  procure  a  virtuous  friend  to  do  so, 
that  he  might  secretly  continue  to  profit  by  the 


in  New  England.  105 

nefarious  business  as  long  as  possible,  might  surprise 
one  not  familiar  with  that  remarkable  body  of 
similar  reasonings,  long  ago  formulated  and  still 
sanctioned  by  casuists  of  Rale's  order ;  but  some  of  the 
men  who  read  this  "  railing  letter,"  though  surprised 
at  its  assumptions,  were  as  familiar  with  these  reas- 
onings as  we  are,  and  as  fully  realized  their  signifi- 
cance as  we  can  realize  them  to-day.  Point  had 
been  given  to  this  letter  not  long  before  its  reception 
at  Boston,  by  the  destruction  of  a  house  belonging 
to  a  venturesome  settler  on  the  Kennebec,  and  the 
slaughter  of  cattle,  and  Rale  had  dispatched  two 
chiefs  from  Norridgewock  to  inform  Vaudreuil  of 
the  belligerent  attitude  of  his  savages,  and  that 
Governor  Shute  had  threatened  to  send  in  the  spring 
five  hundred  men  to  protect  the  settlers. 

This  was  communicated  to  the  king  at  once  with 
the  intimation  that  Shute's  threat  was  probably  made 
to  intimidate  the  savages,  who  now  appeared  de- 
termined to  drive  out  the  English.1 

Yet  as  already  remarked,  the  reluctance  of  the 
savages  to  another  war  with  the  English  could  not 

1  Vide  Extract  de  la  Reponse  en  datte  du  26  8bre 
1719,  faite  par  Mre-  Vaudreuil  Et  Begon,  cydevant 
Gouverneur  general  Intendant  en  Canada,  au  Me- 
moire  du  Roy  en  datte  du  23,  May  de  Ladte  anne,  in 
the  author's  collection  of  manuscripts. 


106  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

be  readily  overcome.  This  is  illustrated  by  an  event 
which  occurred  about  this  time.  Their  chief  Taxous 
died,  and  it  was  necessary  to  elect  his  successor. 

A  council  was  called  at  Norridgewock,  and  thither 
the  wild  people,  tricked  out  in  barbaric  paint  and 
feathers,  flocked  in  large  numbers.  Should  they 
have  war  or  not,  was  the  uppermost  question  with 
the  fickle  and  restless  crowds,  gathered  under  the 
spreading  trees,  and  thronging  the  open  glades  about' 
Norridgewock.  There  were  two  parties  ;  one,  com- 
posed of  the  older  and  wiser  men,  was  for  peace,  the 
other  for  war.  The  election  of  a  chief  from  one  or  the 
other  of  these  parties  would  determine  the  question. 

When  the  council  assembled,  the  acts  of  the  Eng- 
lish, which  had  been  placed  in  the  worst  light  by  the 
French,  were  made  the  pretext  for  immediate  hostili- 
ties by  the  younger  and  more  violent  men,  but  wiser 
counsels  prevailed,  and  Wissememet,  a  champion  of 
peace,  was  elected.  A  short  time  after,  a  friendly 
conference  was  held  at  Georgetown,  at  which  was 
present  not  only  the  chief,  whom  Rale  calls  "  Keter- 
mogus,  a  cipher  in  the  Village,"  because  of  his  love 
of  peace ;  but,  also,  Ouaourene,  whom  he  praises  for 
his  hostility  to  the  English,  and  both  not  only  de- 
clared themselves  to  be  friends  of  peace,  but  more- 
over delivered  hostages  to  confirm  this  declaration. 


in  New  England.  107 

One  who  studies  carefully  the  history  of  the  trans- 
actions between  the  English  and  savages,  cannot  fail 
to  be  impressed  with  the  apparent  desire  of  both  for 
friendly  relations ;  but  a  treaty  was  no  sooner  con- 
cluded between  them,  than  the  active  agents  of 
the  French  began  t'o  make  the  savages  dissatisfied 
with  it. 

Rale,  in  evident  chagrin,  wrote  Vaudreuilthe  result 
of  the  election.  The  reply  to  this  letter  reveals  the 
odious  character  of  Vaudreuil.  He  was  indignant  at 
the  faintheartedness  of  the  savages  in  making 
pledges  to  the  English,  and  thought  that  active  efforts 
should  be  made  to  obtain  the  aid  of  the  Canadian 
tribes  to  awaken  their  zeal.  The  new  chief  was 
made  to  feel  the  displeasure  of  the  French  at  his 
pacific  attitude  ;  and  Ouaourene  was  flattered  and 
rewarded  for  displaying  his  opposition  to  them.  A 
number  of  "  degraded  "  savages,  friendly  to  the  Eng- 
lish, were  sent  to  Quebec  by  Rale,  and  their  recep- 
tion by  the  governor  may  be  imagined  from  this 
passage  from  his  letter  to  the  priest,  "  You  may 
depend  I  will  make  the  degraded,  sensible  how  much 
I  am  discontent  with  their  conduct."1 

1  Vide  Begon's  letter  to  Rale,  Quebec,  the  i/j-th 
June,  1721  ;  Board  of  Trade  Papers,  New  England, 
bundle  T,  vol.  1 7,  and  Vaudreuil  to  Rale,  Quebec, 


io8  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

The  reception  by  Gov.  Shute  of  a  letter  from  the 
savages,  in  the  summer  of  1721,  increased  the  public 
indignation  against  Rale.  It  was  in  French,  signed 
by  the  head  of  the  Norridgewocks  and  eight  other 
chiefs,  his  allies,  so  called,  and  was  a  threatening  pro- 
test against  English  settlement,  along  the  Kennebec. 
It  was  certainly,  on  the  face  of  it,  an  alarming  docu- 
ment, for  it  represented  not  only  the  tribes  of  Maine, 
but  the  Micmacs,  Iroquois,  Algonkins,  Hurons  and 
other  more  remote  tribes,  the  signatures  of  whose 
chiefs  had  been  obtained  by  the  French,  and  it  so 
plainly  revealed  the  hand  of  Rale,  that  he  was  be- 
lieved not  only  to  have  instigated,  but  to  have  been 
the  author  of  it.  De  la  Chasse  was,  however,  quite 
as  prominent  in  its  production  as  his  confrere. 

We  now  know,  from  the  correspondence  of  the 
chief  actors  in  the  affair,  the  secret  history  of  this 
document,  much  of  which  was  concealed  from  the 
knowledge  of  our  forefathers.  The  formation  of  a 
peace  party  among  the  Norridgewock  savages,  already 
spoken  of,  aroused  Rale  to  action,  and  a  conference 
with  the  English  having  been  determined  upon,  he 
planned  to  prevent  the  peace  party  from  having  a  too 

the  25th  September,  1721.  Ibid.,  bundle  10,  vol.  16, 
Office  of  the  Public  Records,  London,  printed  by  the 
author  in  Me.  Hist.  Quarterly  for  1890,  pp.  373-377. 


in  New  England.  109 

prominent  part  in  the  conference.  As  he  wrote  Vau- 
dreuil,  he  deemed  it  necessary  to  have  the  peace 
delegates  to  the  conference  outnumbered  by  the 
"  well  intentioned  "  or  in  the  words  of  the  practical 
politician  of  our  day,  to  pack  the  meeting.  Fearing 
defection  even  among  those  who  were  for  war,  he 
dispatched  six  savages  to  Canada,  to  invite  their 
countrymen  residing  there,  and  the  Hurons  of  Lor- 
ette,  "  to  find"  themselves  at  the  proposed  conference. 
Rale's  runners  were  received  by  Vaudreuil,  who 
brought  them  to  the  villages  of  St.  Francis  and  Becan- 
court,  to  impress  upon  the  savages  how  injurious  to 
them  was  English  settlement  on  the  frontier.  This 
mission  was  successful,  and  they  all  agreed  to  join  in 
the  conference. 

To  strengthen  affairs  at  Norridgewock  Vaudreuil 
dispatched  thither  Father  de  la  Chasse,  Superior  of 
the  Jesuits,  who  had  served  among  the  Abnakis  for 
a  score  of  years,  in  order  to  bring  the  people  there 
"to  one  mind,"  a  task  which  was  rendered  easier  by 
the  vigorous  measures  which  Rale  had  adopted  at 
the  outset.  Having  accomplished  this  task,  De  la 
Chasse  then  returned  to  Canada,  where  he  assembled 
his  savage  neophytes  and  again  set  out  for  Norridge- 
wock, gathering  on  his  way  a  wild  band  from  the 
Penobscot  and  other  savage  villages  ;  in  fact,  to  the 


i  io  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

surprise  of  the  English,  he  succeeded  in  getting  re- 
cruits from  their  dangerous  neighbors  on  the  Pis- 
cataqua.  Having  gathered  these  savages  of  differ- 
ent tribes  to  the  number  of  two  hundred  and  fifty ; 
on  the  28th  of  July,  1721;  when,  be  it  remembered, 
France  and  England  were  at  peace,  the  two  priests, 
with  Castin  and  Croisel,  the  latter  a  French  officer, 
appeared  with  them  opposite  Arrowsic,1  and  for- 
mally presented  the  letter  in  question,  which  was  as 
follows : 

I  La  Pere  Rale,  missionaire  &  Narantsouak,  a  in- 
forme  les  Sieurs  de  Vaudreuil  et  Begon,  le  printemps 
dernier,  que  sur  les  representations  qu'il  avoit  faites 
aux  Sauvages  de  sa  mission  de  ne  pas  souffrir  que 
les  Anglois  continuassent  de  s'etabler  au  bas  de  leur 
reviere,  ils  avoient  tue  il   y   a  deux  ans  un  grand 
nombre  de  bestiaux  appartenant  aux  Anglois  et  de- 
puis  les  avoient  menace  que  s'ils  ne  se  retiraient  ils 
augmenteraient  les  actes  d'hostilite  pour  les  y  forcer; 
que  1'  automne  dernier  it  s'est  forme  deux  partes  dans 
ce  village  dont  la  moitie  a  ete  d'avis  de  continuer  de 
s'opposer  aux  etablissements  des  Anglois,  et  1'autre 
gagne  par  eux  dans   la  volante  de  souffrir  qu'ils   s'y 
etablissent.      Le    sentiment  de    ces  derniers  a  pre- 
valee  ;  et  quatre  otages  ontete  envoyes  a  Baston. 

II  leur  a  aussi  donne"   avis  que  les   Anglois  leur 
ayant   indique  un  pourparler  pour  engager  le  reste 
du  village  &  souffrir  leur  etablissement,   il  etait  nec- 
essaire  que  dans  ce  pourparler  le  parti  des  Sauvages 
bien  intentionne  fut  la  plus  numbreux  afin  de  faire 
revenir  a  leur  sentiment  ceux  qui  avoient  e"te"  gagnes 


in  New  England.  1 1 1 

"  Great  Captain  of  The  English  : 

"  Thou  seest  by  the  treaty  of  peace  of  which  I  send 
thee  a  copy,  that  thou  shouldst  live  peaceably  with 
me.  Is  it  to  live  in  peace  with  me  to  take  my  land 

par  les  Anglois,  et  qu'ils  fussent  tous  ensemble  parler 
avec  fermete  a  1'Anglbis  pour  1'obliger  a  se  retirer  de 
dessus  leurs  terres. 

Comme  il  y  a  a  craindre  que  les  Sauvages  de  ce 
village  parlant  seuls  a  1'Anglois  ceux  que  avoient 
tenu  bon  jusques  a  present  ne  se  laissent  gagner 
par  les  presents,  caresses,  menaces  et  mensonges  des 
Anglois  pour  parvenir  a  leur  fin,  il  a  engage  six  des 
Sauvages  de  venir  ici  inviter  les  Abenakis  et  les 
Hurons  de  Lorette  de  se  trouver  au  pourparler. 
Pour  faciliter  le  succes  de  cette  invitation,  le  Sieur 
de  Vaudreuil  les  a  mene  aux  villages  de  St.  Frangois 
et  de  Becancourt  oil  ils  ont  explique  combien  Tenter- 
prise  des  Anglois  etoit  prejudiciable  aux  interets  de 
la  nation.  Le  Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  leur  a  aussi 
fait  connaitre  qu'il  etoit  important  que  1'Anglois 
juge  par  lui  meme  qu'il  se  les  attiroit  tous  contre 
lui. 

Ces  deux  villages  convinrent  d'envoyer  a  ce  pour- 
parler trois  canots  de  St.  Francois  et  trois  de 
Becancourt  auxquels  s'est  joint  un  cauot  de  Hurons 
de  Lorette. 

II  a  cru  aussi  devoir  engager  avec  eux  le  Pere  La 
Chasse,  Superieur  des  Jesuites,  qui  ayant  et£  pendant 
20  ans  missionaire  des  trois  villages  Abenaquis  de 
1'Acadie  les  connait  bien. 

Ce  Pere  a  ete  d'abord  a  Narantsouak,  et  apres 
avoir  reuni  les  esprits  de  tous  les  Sauvages  de  cette 
nation  il  invita  les  Sauvages  du  village  de  Pan- 


H2  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

despite  me  ?  My  land  that  I  have  received  from  God 
alone,  my  land  of  which  no  King  nor  strange  power 
has  been  able,  nor  can  dispose  of  despite  me,  that 
which  thou  nevertheless  hast  done  for  several  years, 
by  establishing  and  fortifying  thyself  therein  against 

aouamske  d'ou  il  a  fait  aussi  avertir  ceux  de  Medoc- 
teh  et  de  Penondaky. 

II  est  revenu  ensuite  a  Narantsouak  accompagne 
de  plus  de  100  Sauvages  de  Panouamske  et  des  d£- 
putes  des  villages  de  Medocteh  et  de  Penondaky. 
II  a  fait  venir  aussi  ceux  de  Pegeonaky  qui  sont  les 
plus  proches  des  Anglois  du  c6te  de  Baston. 

Ces  Sauvages  ainsi  rassembles  et  au  nombre  de  250 
qui  representoient  toute  la  nation  Abenaquise  et  leurs 
allies,  apres  avoir  tenu  Conseil,  se  sont  rendus  le  28 
juillet  dernier,  armesdevant  le  Fort  Anglois  de  Men- 
askous  ou  le  pourparler  etoit  indique. 

Le  Gouverneur  de  Baston  informe  du  grand  nom- 
bre de  Sauvages  qui  vouloient  lui  parler,  n  'ayant 
pas  ose  s'y  trouver  apr&s  s'etre  fait  attendre  pendant 
50  jours,  les  Sauvages  sommerent  les  principaux  of- 
ficiers  des  cinq  forts  et  environ  50  des  habitants  an- 
glois  les  plus  considerables  de  s'y  trouver  au  defaut 
du  Gouverneur,  et  y etant  venus,  ils  leur  dirent  qu'ils 
eussent  a  se  retirer  de  leurs  terres  leur  jetterent  les 
200  castors  par  eux  promis  pour  les  bestiaux  tues  et 
en  m£me  temps  leur  demanderent  oil  etoient  les  quatre 
hommes  qu'ils  avoient  amenes  a  Boston  pour  surete 
de  ce  paiement. 

Des  Anglois  repondirent  qu'ils  ne  pouvoient  se 
retirer  des  terres  sans  1'Ordre  du  Gouverneur  qui  les 
y  avoit  envoyes  ;  que  pour  les  otages  ils  ne  croyoient 


in  New  England.  1 1 3 

my  will,  as  thou  hast  done  in  my  River  of  Anmou- 
kangan,  of  Kenibekki,  in  that  of  Matsidouanoussis, 
and  elsewhere  and  recently  in  my  River  of  Anmou- 
kangan,  where  I  have  been  surprised  to  see  a  fort 
which  they  tell  me  is  built  by  thy  orders. 

"  Consider  ;  Great  Captain  ;  that  I  have  frequently 

pas  que  le  Gouverneur  les  rendit  a  moins  qu'ils  n'en 
envoyessent  quatre  autres  pour  gage  de  leur  fidelite 
a  la  Couronne  d'Angleterre. 

Surquoi  les  Sauvages  se  recrierent  protestant  que 
c'etoit  une  imposture ;  qu'ils  n'avoient  donne  ces 
otages  que  pour  siirete  des  200  castors,  et  qu'ils 
n'avoient  jamais  consenti  de  donner  des  hommes 
pour  quelques  betes  qu'ils  avoient  eu  le  droit  de  tuer 
pour  les  obliger  de  se  retirer  sur  leurs  terres. 

Apres  de  grandes  contestations  les  Sauvages 
prierent  le  Pere  de  la  Chasse  de  lire  leurs  paroles 
declarant  aux  Anglois  qu'ils  les  avoient  mis  en  ecrit 
pour  envoyer  au  Gouverneur  de  Boston  puis  qu'ils 
ne  pouvoient  pas  lui  parler. 

Ouaourne  et  Pehonuret  dirent  cette  parole,  le 
premier  en  Sauvage  et  le  second  en  Anglois,  Elle 
fut  dite  aussi  en  latin  par  le  Pere  de  la  Chasse, 
ministre,  qui  1'expliqua  en  Anglois  ;  apres  §a  le 
Sieur  Penhalo  un  des  principaux  officiers  du  Fort 
de  Menaskouk  et  d'autres  officiers  regurent  cet 
6crit  signe  des  marques  des  Abenakis  et  des  Sauv- 
ages leurs  allies  dont  copie  est  ci  jointe  ;  ils  promi- 
rent  de  1'envoyerau  Gouverneur  de  Baston,  ce  qu'ils 
ont  fait."  Vide  Collection  de  Manascrits,  etc.  Rap- 
port de  Messieurs  de  Vaudreuil  et  Begon  au 
Ministre,  vol.  3,  p.  57. 

15 


114  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

told  thee  to  retire  from  off  my  lands,  and  I  repeat  it 
to  thee  now  for  the  last  time.  My  land  belongs  to 
thee  neither  by  right  of  conquest,  nor  by  gift,  nor  by 
purchase.  It  is  not  thine  by  right  of  conquest. 

"When  hast  thou  driven  me  from  it?  and  have  I 
not  always  driven  thee  from  it,  every  time  that  we 
have  had  war  together,  which  proves  that  it  is  mine 
by  many  titles. 

"  It  is  not  thine  by  gift,  The  King  of  France,  thou 
sayst  has  given  it  to  me ;  but  has  he  power  to  give 
it  to  thee  ?  am  I  his  subject  ?  The  Indians  have 
given  it  to  thee.  Some  Indians  that  thou  hast  over- 
reached by  making  them  drink,  have  they  power  to 
give  it  thee  to  the  predjudice  of  all  their  nation,  who 
very  far  from  ratifying  this  gift,  which  would  be  nec- 
essary to  give  thee  some  right,  declares  it  to  be  vain 
and  illusory  ?  Some  have  lent  thee  some  places,  but 
know  that  all  the  nation  revokes  these  loans,  because 
of  the  abuse  which  thou  hadst  made  of  them.  When 
have  they  permitted  thee  to  build  forts  and  to  ad- 
vance thyself  as  much  as  thou  hast  done  in  their 
River? 

"  It  is  not  thine  by  right  of  purchase.  And  thou 
tellest  me  a  thing  that  my  grandfathers  and  my 
fathers  have  never  told  me.  That  they  had  sold  my 
land  when  some  of  them  would  have  sold  certain 


in  New  England.  115 

places,  which  is  not  so  since  thou  canst  not  say  that 
thou  hast  fully  paid  for  the  least  of  the  islands  which 
thou  wishest  to  possess.  I  have  the  right  of  recover- 
ing property  which  has  not  been  alienated  to  my  pred- 
judice,  and  that  I  have  so  many  times  reconquered. 

"  I  wait  then  thy  reply  within  three  sabbath  days ; 
if  within  this  time  thou  dost  not  write  me,  that  thou 
hast  retired  from  my  land,  I  will  not  tell  thee  again 
to  withdraw,  and  I  shall  believe  that  thou  wishest  to 
make  thyself  master  of  it  in  spite  of  me. 

"  Furthermore  this  is  not  the  word  of  four  or  five 
savages,  whom  by  thy  presents,  thy  lies  and  thy 
tricks  thou  canst  easily  make  fall  into  thy  opinions, 
this  is  the  word  of  all  the  Abnaki  nation  spread  over 
this  continent  and  Canada,  and  of  all  the  other 
Christian  Indians  their  allies  who  are  expressly  as- 
sembled at  Pemster  in  order  to  speak  to  thee  thus 
about  my  land,  and  who,  after  having  awaited  thee 
more  than  50  days  and  my  people,  that  I  am  sur- 
prised that  thou  hast  not  sent  back  to  me,  contrary 
to  thy  word,  summon  thee  alltogether  to  withdraw 
thyself  from  off  the  land  of  the  Abnakis,  that  thou 
wishest  to  unjustly  usurp,  and  which  has  for  bounds 
the  River  Kenibequi,  the  River  which  separates  it  from 
the  land  of  the  Iroquois.  I  should  have  the  right  to 
reclaim  from  thee  all  the  space  which  is  between  that 


n6  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

River  and  me,  since  thou  possessest  nothing  of  it 
only  by  deceit,  but  I  am  quite  willing  to  leave  thee 
in  this  place,  on  condition  that  absolutely  no  more 
English  shall  dwell  within  a  league  of  my  River  Pe- 
gonakki,  nor  from  this  bound  along  the  borders  of 
the  Sea  which  corresponds  to  all  the  extent  of  my 
land,  nor  at  the  mouth  of  my  Rivers,  nor  in  any  of 
the  islands,  which  correspond  to  my  land,  which  are 
adjacent  and  where  my  canoe  can  go.  If  some  in- 
dividual savages  addicted  to  drink  tell  thee  to  dwell 
where  thou  didst  formerly  dwell,  Know  that  all  the 
nation  disavows  this  permission  and  that  I  will  go  to 
burn  the  houses  after  having  pillaged  them. 

"  By  my  people  who  are  in  Boston,  I  await  thy  re- 
ply in  my  village  of  Nanrantsouak,  in  French  as  I 
write  thee.  If  thou  writest  me  in  English  I  shall  be- 
lieve that  thou  dost  not  wish  to  be  understood  and 
that  thou  wishest  to  retain  my  land  and  my  people  in 
spite  of  me,  which  I  then  tell  thee  to  restore  to  me, 
because  the  land  is  mine,  and  that  for  my  4  men  I 
have  given  ransom  for  which  we  are  assembled  to  ac- 
quit myself  of  my  word  although  I  owe  thee  nothing. 
This  is  the  word  of  all  the  Abnaki  nation,  spread  over 
this  continent  and  Canada  and  of  all  the  Catholic 
Indians,  Hurons,  Iroquois,  Micmaks,  and  other  al- 
lies of  the  Abnakis  of  which  the  old  men  and  depu- 


in  New  England.  117 

ties  have  appeared  and  spoken  at  the  place  called 
Menaskek,  at  the  river,  July  28-1721. 

"  Know  further  Great  Captain  that  all  the  Abnaki 
nation  pronounces  void  all  the  deeds  which  thou  hast 
passed  heretofore  with  the  Indians  and  because  they 
have  not  been  avowed  nor  received  from  all  the  na- 
tions, and  because  they  have  only  been  the  effect  of 
thy  impositions,  as  in  the  case  of  Peskadoe,  upon 
which  thou  establish  thyself  so  strongly,  where  thou 
didst  so  falsely  make  the  savages  understand  that 
thou  wast  sole  master  of  the  land,  that  the  King  of 
France  had  given  thee  their  country  as  if  a  king  could 
give  that  which  is  not  his. 

"  Mark  the  effect  of  the  drink  which  thou  has  given 
in  plenty  to  the  Indians,  after  which  they  promise 
thee  all  that  thou  wishest. 

"  Mark  the  effect  of  the  violence  which  thou  hast 
exercised  against  them  on  several  occasions,  and  quite 
recently  the  last  winter,  when  after  having  called  six 
to  speak  with  thee,  on  the  subject  of  the  cattle  which 
they  had  killed  for  thee,  and  which  they  had  a  right 
to  kill  for  thee  in  order  to  oblige  thee,  by  that  to 
withdraw  from  the  land  which  is  not  thine,  thou  mad- 
est  them  enter  into  a  house  and  immediately  surroun- 
ded it  with  near  two  hundred  Englishmen  armed 
with  pistols  and  swords  and  compelled  4  of  them  to 


1  1  8  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

remain  for  the  cattle  killed.  Thou  hast  conducted 
these  4  men  to  Boston.  Thou  hast  promised  to  re- 
store these  4  men  by  giving  thee  200  beavers.  The 
beavers  have  been  given  and  now  thou  retainest 
these  men.  By  what  right  ? 

"Signatures  of  the  Abnaki  Nation  and  of  the  In- 
dians, its  allies."1 

The  Rev.  Hugh  Adams,  who  had  befriended  Rale 
at  Arrowsic,  joining  in  the  common  indignation,  ex- 
perienced an  extraordinary  revulsion  of  feeling.  With 
that  mental  bias  peculiar  to  the  age  already  alluded 
to,  he  prayed  that  his  former  patient  might  be  con- 
founded in  his  wicked  designs,  and  publicly  predicted 
his  overthrow.  2  So  much  in  harmony,  however, 


document  has  the  character,  8,  employed 
by  the  French  Jesuits  to  represent  the  sound  of 
the  French  ou.  The  employment  of  this  character 
indicates  its  authorship.  I  have  thought  best  to  omit 
it  and  to  substitute  the  letters  ou. 

2  The  Rev.  Hugh  Adams  was  graduated  at  Harvard 
College  in  the  class  of  1697,  and  the  year  following 
removed  to  South  Carolina,  where  he  remained  until 
1706.  In  1707  he  settled  at  Braintree  and  resided 
there  until  1711,  when  he  removed  to  Chatham,  Cape 
Cod.  In  1716  he  was  at  Arrowsic,  but  remained 
there  but  one  year,  when  we  find  him  settled  at 
Dover,  N.  H.  He  died  in  1750.  Vide  Proceedings 
Mass.  Hist.  Society,  vol.  3,  pp.  322-326.  Collections 
N.  H.  Society,  vol.  5,  p.  135.  The  History  of  Cape 


Those  of  Narrantouak 


Those  of  Pentagouet 
Those  of  Narakamigou 

Those  of  Anmissoukanti 
Those  of  Muanbissek 

Those  of  Pegouakki 

Those  of  Medokteck 

Those  of  Kouupahag 
Those  of  Pesmokanti 
Those  of  Arsikantegou 

Those  of  Ouanouinak 
Their  Allies 

The  Iroquois  of  the  Falls 
The  Iroquois  of  the  Mountain 

The  Algonquins 

The  Hurons 
The  Mikemaks 

The  Montagnez  of  the  Northside 

The  Papinachois  and  other  neighboring 
nations 


in  New  England.  119 

was  this  with  the  current  thought  of  the  age,  that  it 
excited  no  surprise,  a  fact  which  should  not  be  over- 
looked in  our  estimate  of  men  and  acts  connected 
with  the  events  under  consideration. 

So  bitter  had  the  feeling  against  Rale  become,  that 
the  General  Court  voted  to  send  a  force  of  three 
hundred  men  to  Norridgewock  to  demand  his  sur- 
render, but  owing  to  the  opposition  of  Judge  Sewall, 
it  was  not  carried  into  effect.  Castin  and  his  son,  a 
half  breed,  the  English  had  good  reason  to  believe  to 
be  conspirators  with  Rale  in  his  plots  against  them. 
Castin  himself  still  claimed  to  be  in  the  French  ser- 
vice, if  we  may  judge  from  his  application  to  the  king 
at  this  time  for  arrears  of  pay  as  a  lieutenant,  and 
his  son  sported  the  uniform  of  a  French  officer.  The 
frequent  outbreaks  of  the  savages,  and  the  well 
known  influence  of  the  Castins,  made  them  objects 
of  suspicion,  and,  an  opportunity  offering,  the  young 
Castin  was  arrested  and  taken  to  Boston,  where  he 
was  detained  for  several  months,  and  questioned  rela- 
tive to  his  participation  in  recent  hostilities ;  but  as 
nothing  could  be  proved  against  him,  he  was  returned 
to  his  people.  There  is  nothing  on  record  to  show 

Cod,  by  Frederick  Freeman,  Boston,  1862,  vol.  2,  pp. 
593-595.  The  prediction  alluded  to,  may  be  found  in 
the  Massachusetts  Courant  for  December,  1722. 


I2O  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

that  he  was  not  treated  with  due  consideration,  yet 
some  writers  would  have  us  believe  that  his  arrest 
was  the  cause  of  subsequent  acts  of  hostility,  which, 
in  fact,  were  but  a  continuance  of  similar  ones.  Rale, 
however,  was  a  too  conspicuous  fomenter  of  mischief, 
to  be  permitted  by  the  English  to  continue  his  dan- 
gerous designs  against  them,  and  in  the  winter  of 
1721-22,  Colonel  Thomas  Westbrookwas  dispatched 
to  Norridgewock,  to  apprehend  and  take  him  to  Bos- 
ton. As  Westbrook  was  painfully  making  his  way 
up  the  river,  he  was  discovered  by  Indian  hunters, 
who,  divining  his  purpose,  struck  across  the  forest  to 
alarm  the  village. 

Unsuspecting  danger,  Rale  was  alone  in  the  village 
with  the  old  men,  women  and  children,  the  young 
men  being  absent,  when  he  was  startled  by  the  sud- 
den appearance  of  the  savages,  who  had  discovered 
Westbrook's  approach. 

Not  a  moment  was  to  be  lost.  Seizing  the  con- 
secrated host,  the  pious  missionary  swallowed  it  in 
haste,  and  then  packing  the  church  vessels  in  a  small 
chest,  he  fled  to  the  forest  where  the  frightened  people, 
who  had  been  left  in  the  village,  had  betaken  them- 
selves. Night  was  approaching  when  Westbrook 
and  his  men  cautiously  made  their  way  through  the 
thickets  which  surrounded  Norridgewock.  All  was 


in  New  England.  121 

ominously  silent  as  they  drew  near  the  village  and 
surrounded  it.  Surprised  at  the  dead  silence,  they 
drew  nearer,  keeping  on  the  alert  for  a  foe,  whose 
cunning  they  well  knew.  There  was  no  sound,  no 
movement  in  the  village,  and  finally  the  secret  was 
disclosed  ;  it  had  been  deserted.  A  diligent  search 
was  made  the  next  day  for  Rale,  but  although  West- 
brook's  men  passed  near  his  hiding  place,  they  did 
not  discover  him,  and  at  last  abandoned  the  search. 
Westbrook  secured,  however,  a  valuable  prize,  a  small 
box  containing  letters  from  Vaudreuil  and  Begon, 
which  disclosed  to  the  English  the  perfidy  of  their 
French  neighbors.  In  the  box  was  also  a  dic- 
tionary of  the  Abnaki  language,1  the  labor  of 
Rale  for  many  years,  and  when  we  consider  how 
precious  this  manuscript  was  to  him,  we  cannot 
but  sympathize  with  him  for  its  loss,  for  in  the 
hands  of  his  enemies,  whom  he  regarded  as  ruth- 
less vandals,  he  supposed  it  forever  lost  to  the 
world;  yet  Providence  seems  to  have  employed 
this  method  for  its  preservation.  On  the  door  of 
the  church  was  found  the  following  paper  in  Rale's 
handwriting  : 

JThis  valuable  relic  is  now  the  property  of  Har- 
vard College.     It  was  published  in    1833,    by  John 
Pickering,  LL.  D. 
16 


122  The  Pioneers  of  Neiv  France 

"  Englishmen. 

11 1  that  am  of  Norridgwock  have  had  Thoughts 
that  thou  wil't  Come  and  Burn  our  Church  &  Our 
Fathers  House  to  Revenge  thy  self  without  Cause 
for  the  Houses  I  have  Burnt  of  thine.  It  was  thou 
that  didst  force  me  to  it,  why  didst  thou  build  them 
upon  my  Land  without  my  Consent. 

"  I  have  not  yet  burnt  any,  but  what  was  upon  my 
own  Land ;  Thou  mayest  burn  it,  because  thou 
knowest  that  I  am  not  there  such  is  thy  Generosity, 
for  if  I  were  there,  Assuredly  thou  shouldst  not  burn 
it,  altho  thou  shouldst  Come  with  the  number  of 
many  hundred  Men. 

"  It  is  111  built,  because  the  English  dont  work 
well ;  It  is  not  finished,  altho  five  or  six  Englishmen 
have  wrought  there  during  the  space  of  four  years, 
and  the  Undertaker  who  is  a  great  Cheat,  hath  been 
paid  in  advance  for  to  finish  it.  I  tell  the  Neverthe- 
less, That,  if  thou  dost  burn  it  in  Revenge  upon  my 
Land,  thou  mayest  Depend  upon  it,  That  I  will  Re- 
venge myself  also  and  that  upon  thy  Land  in  such  a 
manner  as  will  be  more  sensible  and  more  disadvanta- 
geous to  the,  for  one  of  thy  Meeting  houses  or 
Temples  is  of  more  value  beyond  Compare  than  our 
Church.  And  I  shall  not  be  Satisfied  with  Burning 
only  one  or  two  of  thine,  but  many ;  I  know  where 


in  New  England.  123 

they  are,  and  the  Effect  shall  make  the  know  that  I 
have  been  as  good  as  my  word. 

"  This  shall  Certainly  be  done  sooner  or  later,  for 
the  War  is  but  just  beginning  ;  And  if  thou  wouldst 
know  where  it  will  have  an  End  I  tell  the  it  will 
not  have  an  end  but  with  the  World.  If  thou  Canst 
not  be  driven  out  before  I  Dye,  Our  Children  and 
Nephews  will  Continue  it  till  that  time,  without  thy 
being  able  to  Enjoy  it  peaceably. 

"  This  is  what  I  say  to  the,  who  am  of  Norridge- 
wock  in  the  Name  of  all  the  NATION."1 

The  discovery  of  Vaudreuil's  duplicity,  as  his  cor- 
respondence with  Shute  had  been  such  as  would 
naturally  pass  between  men  in  their  position,  whose 
governments  were  nominally  friendly,  astounded  the 
English,  and  Shute  at  once  dispatched  copies  of  the 
letters  found  in  Rale's  box  to  the  government,  and 
himself  wrote  a  letter  to  the  French  governor,  so 
manly  in  tone,  that  he  must  have  always  respected 

JThis  letter  was  copied  by  me  from  the  one  in  the 
office  of  the  Public  Records,  London,  and  bears  the 
following  indorsement :  "  Translated  from  the  French. 
The  foregoing  was  foiind  iipon  the  Church  Door  at 
Norridgcwock  &  in  the  hand  Writing  of  Father 
Ralle,  the  Jesuit.  Examined  pr.  J.  Willard,  Sec'y." 
The  box  containing  the  correspondence  of  Vaudreuil 
is  now  the  property  of  the  Maine  Historical  Society. 


124  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

its  author,  in  spite  of  the  bitter  reproofs   which   it 
contained.     In  this  letter  he  said  : 

14  Sir  :- 

"In  the  month  of  September  last  I  did  myself  the 
Honor  of  writing  to  you  a  Letter  by  the  way  of  Al- 
bany, which  I  hope  came  Safe  to  your  hand  ;  how- 
ever, for  fear  of  a  Miscarriage,  I  have  now  sent  you 
a  copy  of  it.  Therein  you  will  observe  the  great 
Confidence  I  had  at  that  time  in  your  Justice  and 
Friendship  with  respect  to  the  Indians  at  Norridge- 
wock,  but  I  am  sorry  to  find  I  was  so  much  mis- 
taken ;  You  have  convinced  me  by  Letters  under 
your  own  hand,  that  I  was  in  the  wrong  to  Expect 
the  least  Service  from  you  upon  that  occasion,  For  it 
appears  over  &  over  again,  That  the  Hostile  appear- 
ance and  Insolent  Behaviour  of  the  Indians  at  Arow- 
sick  in  the  Summer  last  past,  was  not  only  with  your 
Allowance,  but  even  with  your  projecting  from  the 
beginning  ;  And  your  Approbation  of  it  afterwards, 
That  you  excited  them  to  it,  Supplyed  them  in  it, 
with  Officers  and  Stores  of  War,  and  after  all  was  done, 
mightily  applauded  and  Rewarded  them,  And  least 
they  should  be  at  a  loss  what  to  say,  to  the  English 
you  even  put  Words  into  their  Mouths,  &  prepared 
Instructions  for  their  Conduct  in  that  Affair;  I  must 
needs  say,  Sir,  I  should  not  easily  have  been  brought 


RALE'S  BOX  CONTAINING  THE  FRENCH  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Captured    by  Westbrook  in  the  winter  of    1721-22,  now  in 
possession  of  the   Maine   Historical  Society. 


in  New  England.  125 

to  believe  these  things  of  a  Gentleman,  a  Christian, 
and  a  Governor  of  a  French  Colony,  and  who,  as 
such,  is  Obliged  to  live  in  Peace  and  Friendship  with 
the  English  Government ;  But  what  shall  I  say  ?  I 
have  your  Original  Instructions,  and  Letters  now 
before  me,  as  you  may  See  by  the  Copies  of  some  of 
them,  which  I  now  Inclose  ;  The  Originals  I  shall 
send  home  to  his  Majesty,  my  Great  Master ;  You 
do  indeed  suggest,  That  you  have  Orders  for  what 
you  have  done  or  shall  do  further  in  this  Affair ;  His 
Majesty  will  soon  Discover  the  Truth  and  Validity  of 
that  pretence,  and  how  Agreeable  Your  Conduct  has 
been,  both  to  the  Letter  and  Spirit  of  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht,  more  especially  to  the  twelfth  and  Six- 
teenth Articles;  Is  it  thus  We  are  to  Imitate  the 
Examples  of  Our  Masters  at  Home,  who  live  in  such 
strict  Allegance  and  Friendship  ?  Should  I  have 
offered  to  stir  up  the  Indian  Tribes  at  St.  Francois  or 
Besancourt,  or  any  other  within  the  Bounds  of  Your 
Government  to  commit  such  Affronts  and  Hostilities 
to  the  Government  and  People  of  Canada,  would 
you  not  justly  &  greatly  have  Complained  of  it  ? 
I  do  not  Judge  it  necessary  to  Enter  far  into  an  Ar- 
gument upon  this  Head,  But  I  Could  Easily  Con- 
vince you  how  very  much  you  are  in  the  wrong  to 
Concern  yourself  with  an  Indian  Tribe  that  are 


126  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

settled  upon  one  of  the  Principal  Rivers  of  New 
England,  that  live  in  the  Neighborhood  of  Our 
English  Towns  &  Garrisons,  &  until  very  lately 
have  Constantly  Conversed  and  traded  with  them, 
and  pass  by  the  English  settlements  every  time  they 
Come  to  the  sea  for  their  Fishery,  And  their  Lands 
or  place  of  Settlement  must  of  necessity  fall  within 
the  English  Pale  or  Territory,  inasmuch  as  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain  have  now  the  Right  & 
Dominion  of  Nova  Scotia,  formerly  called  L'Accadie, 
with  all  its  Dependencies,  But  above  all,  and  what  I 
very  much  Insist  on,  This  Tribe  of  the  Indians,  as 
well  as  that  of  Penobscot,  have  for  a  great  number 
of  years  last  past,  by  Frequent  and  Solemn  Treaties, 
willingly  and  Joyfully  put  themselves  under  the  Pro- 
tection of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  &  the  Gov- 
ernment of  New  England,  and  on  these  Occasions 
have  had  Tokens  of  His  Majesties  kindness  &  Friend- 
ship presented  to  them  ;  And  you  may  Depend  upon 
it  His  Majesty  will  never  quit  His  right  and  Interest 
with  respect  to  those  Indian  Tribes,  but  Insist  upon 
it  to  the  last,  And  while  I  have  the  Honour  to  be 
His  Governour  here,  I  shall  Endeavor  to  do  my 
Duty  in  Defending  and  Maintaining  it,  and  shall 
take  Just  and  proper  Measures  to  prevent  such  In- 
sults and  Injuries  to  His  Majesties  good  subjects  for 


in  New  England.  127 

the  future  ;  I  suppose  Mr.  Ralle,  who  has  been  the 
great  Incendiary  in  all  this  Affair  has  acquainted 
you  with  his  narrow  Escape ;  he  will  do  well  to  take 
warning  by  it  &  return  to  his  own  Countrey,  or  at 
least  to  Canada,  and  no  longer  abuse  his  profession 
by  Stirring  up  the  Indians  of  this  Country  to  Acts  of 
Hostility,  which  if  Continued  in,  will  finally  end  in 
their  ruin. 

"  I  shall  be  glad  if  upon  this  Remonstrance  Your 
future  conduct  towards  this  Government  and  the 
Indian  Tribes  Dependent  thereon,  Especially  those 
of  Norridgewock  and  Penobscot  may  be  such  as  to 
give  me  Occasion  to  say,  what  I  would  willingly  do, 
That  I  am  Sir 

"  Your  very  humble  Servt. 

"  Samll.  Shute."1 

This  expedition  of  Westbrook,  coupled  with  the 
arrest  of  Castin's  son,  acts  fully  warranted  by  exist- 
ing circumstances,  furnished  the  savages  with  a  suffi- 
cient pretext  to  extend  their  depredations,  and  we 
are  told  by  Rale,  that  they  resolved  to  destroy  the 
English  habitations  near  them.  "  They  chanted  the 
war,"  he  says,  "  among  the  Hurons  of  Lorette,  and  in 

1  This  letter  is  a  copy  made  by  the  author  from  the 
original  in  the  office  of  the  Public  Records,  London. 


i  28  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

all  the  villages  of  the  Abnaki  nation,"  and  "  Nor- 
ridgewock  was  the  place  appointed  to  assemble  the 
warriors  in  order  to  concert  their  project  together." 

In  June,  1722,  all  was  in  readiness,  and  the  first 
blow  was  struck.  The  savages,  proceeding  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Kennebec  on  the  I3th,  destroyed  some 
small  buildings  of  the  English,  and  then  continuing 
up  the  river,  says  Rale,  "  plundered  and  burnt  the  new 
houses  which  the  English  had  built."  They,  however, 
abstained  from  slaughter  and  liberated  all  their  cap- 
tives but  five,  whom  they  retained  as  hostages. 

Doubtless  in  this  act  they  followed  the  advice  of 
their  older  men,  who  ever  counseled  moderation  ; 
but  moderation  is  not  a  savage  virtue,  and,  intoxi- 
cated with  success,  they  soon  entered  upon  a  whole- 
sale destruction  of  the  English  settlements.  On  the 
following  July,  Capt.  Harmon,  who  was  stationed  at 
Arrowsic  with  a  small  force,  having  discovered  that 
the  settlement  of  Brunswick  was  on  fire,  at  once  pro- 
ceeded in  two  whale  boats  to  its  relief.  As  he  made 
his  way  through  the  darkness  with  muffled  oars,  he 
perceived  lights  on  Pleasant  Point,  and  landing 
cautiously,  he  came  upon  eleven  canoes  of  the  sav- 
ages, who  had  been  engaged  in  the  destruction  of 
Brunswick.  They  had  been  enjoying  one  of  their 
infernal  orgies,  the  torturing  of  a  prisoner,  Moses 


in  New  England.  129 

Eaton,  of  Brunswick,  whose  tongue  they  had  cut  out, 
and  whose  legs  and  arms  they  had  also  severed  from 
his  body,  and  now  exhausted  by  the  exercise  of  their 
ferocious  passions,  they  were  lying  about  their  fires 
unsuspicious  of  the  proximity  of  an  avenger  of  their 
victim. 

The  moment  was  opportune,  and  Harmon,  cau- 
tiously advancing  his  small  force,  the  chief  reliance 
of  the  settlers  of  the  vicinity,  came  suddenly  upon 
them  ;  indeed,  Penhallow  tells  us  that  he  "  stumbled 
over  them  as  they  lay  asleep."  The  attack  was  sud- 
den, yet  in  the  darkness  most  of  them  escaped.  A 
large  body  of  savages,  however,  were  encamped  not  far 
away,  and  aroused  by  the  sound  of  guns,  they  fired 
upon  the  English  in  the  darkness  but  without  execu- 
tion. Deeming  it  prudent  to  avoid  risking  a  battle  so 
far  from  his  base  of  supplies,  and  upon  ground  where 
the  savage  was  at  home,  after  burying  the  mutilated 
body  of  Eaton,  Harmon  hastened  back  to  the  de- 
fense of  Arrowsic. 

Let  us  see  Rale's  account  of  this  transaction.  He 
says,  after  relating  the  first  attack  of  the  savages,  in 
which  they  burnt  a  number  of  dwellings  and  re- 
leased all  of  their  prisoners  but  five,  suppressing  all 
allusion  to  the  destruction  of  Brunswick  and  the 
murderous  work  which  followed,  "  This  moderation 
17 


130  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

of  the  Indians,  however,  had  not  the  desired  effect. 
On  the  contrary,  a  party  of  English  having  found 
sixteen  Abnakis  asleep  on  an  Island,  made  a  general 
discharge  on  them,  by  which  five  were  killed  and 
three  wounded." 

So  strong  were  Rale's  prejudices  against  the  Eng- 
lish, that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  relate  fairly 
any  incident  respecting  them.  The  savages,  who 
slowly  tortured  to  death  their  English  prisoners,  he 
saw  through  a  mist,  which  gave  them  an  appearance 
of  primeval  simplicity,  while  the  English  heretics, 
seen  through  the  same  medium,  took  on  the  shape 
of  ugly  satyrs.  This  is  but  a  single  instance  of  the 
manner  in  which  Rale  described  the  events  connected 
with  the  wars  between  his  savages  and  the  English, 
and  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say,  that  hardly  an  in- 
cident of  these  wars  involving  the  character  of  the 
English  related  by  him  and  Charlevoix,  the  latter  of 
whom  cooked  without  question  everything  which 
came  to  his  net,  will  bear  critical  analysis,  or  a  com- 
parison with  historical  documents  of  the  times. 

This  act  of  Harmon  has  been  criticised  by  several 
of  our  writers,  who  have  listened  too  readily  to 
Charlevoix,  as  impolitic  and  cruel,  but  they  certainly 
cannot  have  considered  the  existing  conditions.  Har- 
mon's act  was  cruel  only  because  all  war  is  cruel.  The 


in  New  England.  131 

English  settlers  were  surrounded  by  terrible  perils, 
and  knew,  from  years  of  bitter  experience,  the  merci- 
less nature  of  the  foe  with  whom  they  had  to  deal ;  a 
foe  who  surprised  sleeping  hamlets,  and  destroyed 
old  and  young  with  fiendish  cruelty.  Though  in 
their  first  attack  there  had  been  no  blood  shed  on 
either  side,  no  resistance  having  been  made,  the  im- 
periled settlers  realized  that  war  had  begun  with  a 
pitiless  foe,  and  self  preservation  was  the  question 
uppermost  in  their  minds.  In  this  condition  of  af- 
fairs we  should  not  expect  them  to  weigh  questions 
of  ethics  with  the  same  care  which  we,  in  the  seclu- 
sion of  our  closets,  bestow  upon  them.  That  injury 
might  not  be  done  to  those  savages  friendly  to  the 
English,  Governor  Shute  in  his  proclamation  of  war, 
issued  on  the  25th  of  July,  1722,  notified  them,  that 
none  would  be  molested,  who  reported  within  forty 
days  to  the  nearest  military  post,  and  those  within 
the  English  lines  were  ordered  to  remain  peaceably 
at  home  and  not  to  harbor  the  enemy. 

Although  the  French  could  not  openly  enter  into 
the  conflict,  they  secretly  supplied  the  savages  with 
arms,  and  encouraged  them  to  pursue  the  war.  The 
result  was,  that  along  the  English  borders  the  same 
scenes  of  desolation  and  cruelty  were  enacted,  that 
had  characterized  former  savage  wars. 


The  Pioneers  of  Neiv  France 

Rale,  by  his  own  testimony,  accompanied  his  neo- 
phytes on  some  of  their  bloody  raids,  and  was  not 
always  careful  to  keep  m  the  background,  but  ex- 
hibited himself  to  the  English  for  the  avowed  pur- 
pose of  exciting  their  rage  against  him.  The  fol- 
lowing letter  written  by  him  is  proof  of  this: 

"  My  people  returned  in  the  spring  having  learnt 
what  had  passed  in  the  winter,  made  a  party  of  forty 
men  against  the  English  not  with  a  design  to  kill, 
but  to  put  them  in  mind  of  their  word,  and  to  make 
them  draw  off.  In  one  night  they  ranged  near  ten 
leagues  of  the  countrey  where  the  English  had  set- 
tled, broke  into  their  houses,  bound  their  men,  which 
they  made  prisoners  to  the  number  of  sixty-four, 
pillaged  their  houses  and  burnt  all,  and  this  party 
being  returned,  another  fitted  out  to  pillage  and  burn 
many  houses,  with  we  hear  a  stone  fort,  and  at  length 
they  took  up  the  hatchet  against  the  English  and 
carried  it  to  a  village  of  Canada.  The  warriors  set 
out  on  their  way  and  being  arrived  here,  I  em- 
barqued  with  them  to  go  to  war,  being  in  all  160,  we 
arrived  at  the  village  they  went  to  attack,  which  con- 
sisted of  fifty  fair  houses,  supported  by  five  forts, 
two  of  stone  and  three  of  wood.  At  break  of  day 
ten  Englishmen  coming  out  of  their  stone  fort  with 
their  arms,  seven  of  my  people  set  upon  them,  killed 


in  New  England.  133 

some,  but  one  of  ours  being  wounded  in  the  thigh 
was  brought  to  the  camp,  and  the  English  dare  not 
after  that  come  out  of  their  stone  fort  any  more, 
where  all  the  inhabitants  had  sheltered  themselves  to 
the  number  of  near  600  men,  besides  women  and 
children. 

My  people  still  inviting  them  to  come  out  and 
nobody  appearing  they  fell  upon  the  houses,  sup- 
posing the  inhabitants  had  been  there,  which  they 
found  empty,  and  pillaged  and  burnt  them  all  with 
their  three  forts  of  wood  ;  they  burnt  all  their  works 
of  wood,  filled  up  their  wells,  killed  their  cattle,  oxen, 
cows,  horses,  sheep,  swine  ;  and  these  600  miserable 
Englishmen  saw  all  this  without  daring  to  come  out ; 
and  as  for  myself  to  pleasure  the  English  I  made  my 
appearance  and  shewed  myself  to  them  several  times 
which,  perhaps,  increased  their  fury  against  me, 
while  they  saw  me,  but  dare  do  nothing  to  me,  al- 
though they  knew  that  the  governour  had  set  my 
head  at  a  thousand  livres  sterling,  I  shall  not  part  with 
it,  nevertheless,  for  all  the  sterling  money  in  Eng- 
land. But  that  which  I  see  most  perplexing  and 
pittiful  in  all  is,  that  the  English  still  keep  their  forts 
and  the  Indian  arms  not  being  able  to  do  anything 
against  them,  they  remain  still  masters  of  the  land, 
and  unless  the  French  join  with  the  Indians  the  land 


134  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

is  lost  This  is  what  now  discourageth  the  Indians 
for  which  reason  they  have  left  Norridgewock  fort 
for  to  people  the  villages  of  Canada,  they  would 
have  carried  me  with  them,  but  I  bid  them  go. 
But  as  for  me  I  remain,  and  they  are  gone  and  about 
eight  or  nine  stays  here  with  me.  We  know  what 
the  court  shall  judge  concerning  this  countery  and 
the  Indians  have  quitted  being  perswaded  that  the 
English  to  revenge  themselves  for  the  damage  we 
have  done  will  come  and  burn  Norridgewock." 

Regarded  by  the  English  as  one  of  the  chief  causes 
of  their  sufferings,  they  were  determined  to  drive 
Rale  from  the  Kennebec,  or  secure  his  person.  His 
life  must  have  been  one  of  constant  alarms,  situated 
as  he  was  in  an  exposed  position,  in  the  midst  of  a 
fickle  and  excitable  people.  It  was  at  this  time  that 
he  found  time  to  address  a  lengthy  letter  to  his 
nephew  across  the  sea,  giving  an  account  of  his  life 
and  labor  among  the  savages. 

This  letter  is  of  a  most  interesting  character,  as  it 
gives  us  vivid  pictures  of  his  daily  life  and  surround- 
ings, in  fact,  almost  brings  the  bodily  presence  of 
the  man  before  us.1 

1  This  letter  and  another  which  appears  further 
on,  were  published  in  a  collection  of  letters  from 
Jesuits  stationed  in  different  parts  of  the  world,  at 


in  New  England.  135 

"  NORRIDGEWOCK, 

This  \$th  October,  1722. 
"Monsieur,  my  dear  Nephew, 

The  peace  of  Our  Saviour  : 

"  During  the  more  than  thirty  years  that  I  have 
lived  in  the  heart  of  these  forests  with  the  Savages, 
I  have  been  so  occupied  in  instructing  them  and 
forming  them  to  Christian  virtues,  that  I  have  but 
little  leisure  to  write  many  letters,  even  to  those  who 
are  most  dear  to  me.  Nevertheless  I  cannot  refuse 
the  little  details  of  my  various  duties  which  you 
desire.  I  owe  it  in  acknowledgment  of  the  friend- 
ship, which  makes  you  so  strongly  interested  in 
everything  that  concerns  me. 

"  I  am  in  a  district  of  that  vast  extent  of  land 
which  lies  between  Acadia  and  New  England.  Two 
other  Missionaries  are  occupied  with  me  among  the 
Abnaki  Savages,  but  we  are  far  removed  from  each 
other.  The  Abnaki  Savages,  beside  the  two  villages 
which  are  in  the  center  of  the  French  colony,  have 
three  others,  each  villages  of  considerable  size, 

Paris,  in  1726,  by  Nicholas  LeClerc.  The  transla- 
tion is  the  author's,  and  was  nearly  completed  before 
he  was  aware  that  one  had  already  been  made  by 
Bishop  Kip,  which,  although  more  elegant,  is  not  so 
literal  as  the  one  here  given. 


136  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

situated  on  the  bank  of  a  river.  The  three  rivers 
empty  into  a  sea  south  of  the  Canada  river  between 
New  England  and  Acadia. 

"  The  village  where  I  live  is  called  Nanrantsouak  j1 
it  is  situated  on  the  bank  of  a  river,  which  discharges 
itself  into  the  sea  about  thirty  leagues  hence.  I 
have  built  a  Church,2  which  is  neat  and  very  orna- 
mental. I  thought  nothing  ought  to  be  spared 
neither  for  its  decoration,  nor  for  the  ornaments 
which  are  used  at  our  holy  ceremonies ;  Vestments, 
chasubles,  copes,  sacred  Vessels,  everything  ap- 
propriate, and  would  be  so  esteemed  in  our  Churches 
of  Europe.  I  have  formed  a  little  Brotherhood  of 
about  forty  young  Savages,  who  assist  at  divine  Ser- 
vice, in  their  cassocks  and  surplices ;  each  have  their 
duties,  so  many  to  assist  at  the  holy  Sacrifices  of  the 
Mass,  &  to  chant  the  divine  Office  for  the  Consecra- 
tion of  the  Holy  Sacrament,  &  for  the  processions 
which  they  make  with  a  great  crowd  of  Sav- 
ages, who  often  come  from  long  distance  to  at- 
tend them.  You  would  be  edified  at  the  good  order 
which  they  keep,  &  the  piety  which  they  show. 

1  So  in  the  French,  which  is  doubtless  a  misprint, 
and  should  be  Narantsouak.  Later  it  crystallized 
into  Norridgewock. 

The   church  he  here   speaks  of  was   really  the 
third  edifice  erected  by  him. 


in  New  England.  137 

"  They  have  built  two  Chapels  at  about  three  hun- 
dred paces  from  the  village  ;  the  one  dedicated  to 
the  most  holy  Virgin,  &  where  may  be  seen  her 
Image  in  relief,  is  above  the  river ;  the  other  dedi- 
cated to  the  guardian  Angel,  is  at  the  lower  end  of 
the  same  river.  Since  they  are  both  on  the  road 
which  leads  either  to  the  woods  or  into  the  open 
country,  the  Savages  never  pass  them  without  offer- 
ing their  prayer.  There  is  a  holy  emulation  among 
the  women  of  the  Village  as  to  who  shall  the  better 
decorate  the  Chapel,  of  which  they  have  the  care, 
when  the  procession  repairs  thither.  All  that  they 
have,  jewels,  pieces  of  silk,  or  calico  and  other  things 
of  that  kind  are  used  to  adorn  it. 

"The  abundance  of  light  adds  not  a  little  to  the 
beauty  of  the  church  and  Chapels;  I  have  no  need 
to  be  saving  of  wax,  as  this  country  furnishes  it  to  me 
in  abundance.  The  islands  of  the  sea  are  bordered 
with  wild  laurels,1  which  in  autumn  bear  berries  a 
little  like  those  of  the  Juniper.  They  fill  their  ket- 
tles with  them  and  boil  them  with  water.  As  soon 
as  the  water  boils,  the  green  wax  rises  &  remains 
on  the  surface  of  the  water.  From  a  measure  of 
three  bushels  of  this  berry,  one  obtains  nearly  four 

*The  bayberry. 

18 


138  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

pounds  of  wax ;  it  is  very  pure  and  very  good,  but 
neither  soft  nor  manageable.  After  several  attempts, 
I  have  found  that  by  mixing  as  much  tallow,  either 
of  beef,  mutton  or  moose  as  of  the  wax,  fine,  hard  & 
serviceable  candles  may  be  made.  With  24  pounds  of 
wax  and  as  much  tallow,  one  can  make  two  hundred 
long  candles  of  more  than  a  foot  in  length.  One 
finds  an  infinity  of  these  laurels  on  the  islands  & 
along  the  sea  coast:  A  single  person  will  easily  pick 
four  measures  in  a  day.  The  berry  hangs  like 
grapes  from  the  branches  of  the  tree.  I  have  sent  a 
branch  to  Quebec  with  a  cake  of  wax :  it  has  been 
found  excellent. 

"None  of  my  neophytes  fail  to  repair  twice  a  day  to 
the  Church ;  in  the  early  morning  to  attend  Mass,  & 
in  the  evenings  to  assist  at  the  prayers  which  I  offer 
at  sunset  As  it  is  necessary  to  fix  the  imagination 
of  the  Savages,  too  easily  distracted,  I  have  com- 
posed suitable  prayers  to  make  them  enter  into  the 
spirit  of  the  August  Sacrifice  of  our  Altars ;  they 
chant  them  or  properly  recite  them  in  a  loud  voice 
during  Mass.  Besides  the  sermons  that  I  give  them 
on  Sundays  &  Holy  Days,  I  scarcely  allow  a  week  day 
to  pass,  without  giving  a  short  exhortation,  to  inspire 
horror  of  the  vices  to  which  they  are  most  inclined,  or 
to  strengthen  them  in  the  practice  of  some  virtue. 


in  New  England.  139 

"After  Mass  I  teach  the  Catechism  to  the  children 
and  young  people  ;  a  large  number  of  old  per- 
sons assist  at  this  and  reply  with  docility  to  the  ques- 
tions which  I  ask  them.  The  rest  of  the  morning 
until  noon,  is  devoted  to  hearing  all  who  wish  to 
speak  to  me.  It  is  then  that  they  come  in  crowds  to 
make  me  share  their  pains  and  their  inquietudes,  or 
to  communicate  to  me  subjects  of  complaint  against 
their  countrymen,  or  to  consult  me  about  their  mar- 
riages, &  other  particular  affairs.  It  is  necessary  for 
me  to  instruct  some,  to  console  others,  to  re-establish 
peace  in  families  at  variance,  to  calm  troubled  con- 
sciences, to  correct  others  by  reproofs  mingled  with 
gentleness  and  charity ;  in  short,  as  much  as  it  is 
possible,  to  render  them  all  contented. 

"After  noon  I  visit  the  sick  and  go  around  among 
the  cabins  of  those  who  have  need  of  particular  in- 
struction. If  they  hold  a  council,  a  frequent  occur- 
rence among  the  Savages,  they  depute  one  of  the 
principal  men  of  the  assembly,  to  beg  me  to  assist  at 
the  decision  of  their  deliberations.  I  go  as  soon  as 
possible  to  the  place  where  the  council  is  being  held; 
if  I  judge  that  they  are  taking  a  wise  course,  I  ap- 
prove it  ;  if  on  the  contrary  I  find  anything  to  say, 
against  their  decision,  I  declare  to  them  my  opinion, 
which  I  support  by  solid  reasons,  &  they  conform  to 


140  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

it.  My  advice  always  fixes  their  resolutions.  They 
do  not  even  hold  their  feasts  without  inviting  me  ; 
those  invited  bring  each  a  dish  of  wood  or  bark  : 
I  give  the  benediction  on  the  food ;  they  put  in  each 
dish  the  portion  prepared.  The  distribution  being 
made,  I  say  grace,  &  each  retires  ;  because  such  is 
the  order  &  custom  of  their  feasts. 

"In  the  midst  of  these  ceaseless  occupations,  you  will 
not  find  it  difficult  to  understand  with  what  rapidity 
the  days  slip  by.  There  has  been  a  time  when  it  was 
with  difficulty  that  I  found  time  to  recite  my  Office, 
&  to  take  a  little  repose  during  the  night ;  for  dis- 
cretion is  not  the  virtue  of  the  Savages.  But  for 
some  years  I  have  made  it  a  rule  to  speak  to  no  one, 
from  the  evening  prayer  until  after  Mass  the  next 
morning,  &  I  have  forbidden  them  to  interrupt  me 
during  this  time,  unless  it  is  for  some  important 
reason,  as  for  example,  to  assist  a  dying  person,  or 
for  some  other  affair  which  cannot  be  put  off.  I 
employ  this  time  to  pray  and  to  repose  from  the 
fatigue  of  the  day. 

"  When  the  Savages  go  to  the  seashore,  to  pass 
some  months  hunting  ducks,  bustards  &  other  birds 
which  are  found  there  in  great  quantities,  they  build 
on  an  island  a  Chapel  which  they  cover  with  bark, 
near  which  they  prepare  a  little  hut  for  my  dwelling. 


in  New  England.  141 

I  take  care  to  carry  there  part  of  the  ornaments,  & 
the  service  is  performed  there  with  the  same  pro- 
priety and  the  same  crowds  of  people  as  at  the 
village. 

"  You  see,  my  dear  nephew,  what  are  my  occupa- 
tions. For  as  to  what  regards  me  personally,  I  will 
tell  you  that  I  only  see,  only  hear,  only  speak  to 
Savages.  My  food  is  simple  and  light.  I  was  never 
able  to  adapt  my  taste  to  the  meat  &  to  the  fish  smoked 
by  the  Savages ;  my  only  nourishment  is  maize,1 
which  they  pound  and  of  which  I  make  every  day,  a 
kind  of  pudding  which  I  cook  with  water. 

"  The  only  sweetening  which  I  have  here,  is  to  mix 
with  it  a  little  sugar  to  correct  the  insipidity.  This 
is  not  wanting  in  these  forests.  In  the  spring  time 
the  Maples  hold  in  store  a  liquor  similar  to  that  which 
the  sugar  cane  of  the  Islands  contains.  The  women 
occupy  themselves  in  collecting  it  in  bark  dishes, 
when  the  trees  distil  it ;  they  boil  it  and  obtain  from 
it  a  fairly  good  sugar.  The  first  distilled  is  always 
the  best. 

"All  the  Abnaki  Nation  is  Christian,  &  very  zealous 
to  preserve  their  Religion.  This  attachment  to  the 
Catholic  Faith,  has  made  them  up  to  this  time  choose 
rather  our  alliance,  to  the  advantages  that  they  had 

1  Bled  de  Turquie  in  the  original. 


142  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

drawn  from  the  alliance  with  the  English  their 
neighbors.  These  advantages  are  very  attractive  to 
our  Savages  ;  the  ease  which  they  have  of  trading 
with  the  English,  from  whom  they  are  not  farther 
away,  than  a  journey  of  one  or  two  days,  the  con- 
venience of  the  road,  the  great  market  which  they 
find  for  the  purchase  of  the  goods  which  suit  them  ; 
nothing  can  be  more  capable  of  attracting  them.  In- 
stead of  which  going  to  Quebec,  more  than  fifteen 
days  are  necessary  to  get  there,  besides  they  have  to 
provide  provisions  for  the  journey,  while  they  have  a 
number  of  rivers  to  cross,  and  frequent  portages  to 
make.  They  feel  these  inconveniences,  &  they  are 
not  indifferent  to  their  interests,  but  their  faith  is  in- 
finitely more  dear,  &  they  think  that  if  they  withdrew 
themselves  from  our  alliance,  they  would  soon  find 
themselves  without  Missionary,  without  Sacraments, 
without  Sacrifice,  without  almost  any  exercise  of 
Religion,  and  in  manifest  danger  of  being  plunged 
again  into  their  former  infidelity. 

"  This  is  the  tie  which  binds  them  to  the  French. 
It  has  been  tried  in  vain  to  break  it,  either  by  traps 
which  have  been  held  out  to  their  simplicity,  or  by 
acts  of  trespass,  which  could  not  help  irritating  a 
Nation  infinitely  zealous  of  its  rights  &  of  its  liberty. 
These  beginnings  of  misunderstandings  fail  not  to 


in  New  England.  143 

alarm  me,  &  make  me  fear  the  dispersion  of  the 
flock,  which  Providence  has  confided  to  my  care  so 
many  years  &  for  which  I  would  willingly  sacrifice 
that  which  remains  of  my  life.  Observe  the  various 
artifices  which  they  employ  to  detach  them  from  our 
alliance. 

"  The  Governor  General  of  New  England,  several 
years  ago  sent  to  the  lower  part  of  our  river  the  most 
able  of  the  Ministers  of  Boston,  for  the  purpose  of 
holding  a  school  there,  to  instruct  the  children  of  the 
Savages,  &  to  maintain  them  at  the  expense  of  the 
Government.  As  the  allowance  of  the  Minister  was 
to  increase  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  his 
scholars,1  he  forgot  nothing  to  draw  them  to  him;  he 
went  to  find  them  ;  he  caressed  them;  he  made  them 
little  presents ;  he  pressed  them  to  come  and  see  him  ; 
in  fine  he  gave  himself  up  for  two  months  to  many 
useless  movements,  without  gaining  a  single  child. 
The  contempt  which  they  showed  for  his  caresses  & 
his  invitations  did  not  repulse  him;  he  addressed  him- 
self even  to  the  Savages,  he  put  to  them  various 

1  This  statement  was  without  foundation  in  fact. 
It  was  written  to  a  man  who  could  not  verify  its  in- 
correctness, for  the  sole  purpose  of  belittling  a 
brother  missionary,  and  making  it  appear  that  he 
was  governed  in  his  self-sacrificing  labors  by  mer- 
cernary  motives. 


144  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

questions  touching  their  creed ;  &  upon  the  replies 
which  were  made  to  him,  he  turned  into  ridicule  the 
Sacraments,  Purgatory,  the  Invocation  of  Saints, 
the  Beads,  the  Crosses  &  Images,  the  lighting  of 
our  Churches,  &  all  the  pious  customs  so  sacredly 
observed  in  the  Catholic  Religion.  I  believed  it  my 
duty  to  oppose  these  first  seeds  of  seduction;  I  wrote 
a  civil  letter  to  the  Minister,  wherein  I  pointed  out 
to  him  that  my  Christians  knew  how  to  believe  the 
truths  which  the  Catholic  Faith  teaches,  but  knew 
not  how  to  dispute  about  them ;  that  not  being  skill- 
ful enough  to  solve  the  difficulties  which  he  proposed, 
he  had  apparently  the  design  that  they  should  be 
communicated  to  me ;  that  I  seized  with  pleasure 
this  opportunity,  which  he  offered  me  to  confer  with 
him  either  personally,  or  by  letters  ;  that  I  would 
send  him  with  this  a  memorial  which  I  prayed  him 
to  read  with  serious  attention.  In  this  memorial 
which  was  about  a  hundred  pages,  I  proved  by 
Scripture,  by  tradition,  &  by  theological  reasons,  the 
truths  which  he  had  attacked  by  stale  enough  pleas- 
antries. I  added  in  finishing  my  letter  to  him,  that 
if  he  was  not  satisfied  with  my  proofs,  I  would  await 
a  refutation  from  him  precise  and  supported  by 
theological  reasons,  &  not  by  vague  arguments  which 
proved  nothing,  still  less  by  injurious  reflections 


in  New  England.  145 

which  belonged  neither  to  our  profession,  nor  to  the 
importance  of  the  matters  with  which  he  struggled. 
Two  days  after  having  received  my  letter,  he 
started  to  return  to  Boston,  &  he  sent  me  a  short 
reply,  which  I  was  obliged  to  read  several  times  in 
order  to  comprehend  the  sense,  so  obscure  was  the 
style,  &  so  extraordinary  the  latin.1 


best  refutation  of  this  is  the  fac  simile  por- 
tion of  the  original  letter  here  produced,  revealing  in 
its  neat  handwriting  the  careful  and  painstaking 
scholar  that  its  author  was  ;  the  entire  Latin  letter  in 
the  appendix,  and  the  following  translation  of  this 
letter. 

Reverend  Sir: 

I  received  your  letter  in  which  you  say  that  per- 
haps it  will  seem  strange  to  me  that  you  send  me 
this  letter.  Now  I  tell  you  frankly  that  if  you 
desire  to  have  friendly  intercourse  with  me,  it  will  be 
very  acceptable  to  me.  Let  us  send  letters  back  and 
forth  freely.  I  wonder  indeed  that  you  who  are 
thought  by  some  to  be  a  man  of  exalted  piety  and 
sanctity,  write  with  so  much  feeling  and  without  any 
provocation  or  reason  accuse  me  of  being  guilty  of 
deceit,  and  assert  that  you  and  others  also  know  that 
I  am  guilty.  Yet  you  do  not  show  and  therefore  it 
is  clear  that  you  cannot  show  in  what  I  am  deceitful. 
Is  it  not  strange  that  you  desire  to  frighten  me  from 
laboring  for  the  benefit  of  immortal  souls  ?  Even 
if  the  work  is  especially  laborious  and  difficult,  is  it 
not  worth  while  to  accomplish  a  very  difficult  and 

'9 


146  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

" 1  understood  nevertheless  by  dint  of  reasoning, 
that  he  complained  that  I  attacked  him  without 

laborious  work  in  order  to  persuade  men  to  flee  to 
Christ  and  walk  in  the  way  of  salvation  and  thus 
receive  life  everlasting?  And  what  if  there  are  not 
with  us  magnificent  furnishings  and  decoration  of 
churches  and  splendor  and  beauty  of  priestly  robes 
to  attract  the  men  of  the  forest!  Neither  were  there 
these  things  in  the  time  of  the  Apostles  to  attract 
the  men  to  whom  the  Apostles  were  sent,  and  yet 
they  persuaded  many  to  believe  in  Christ  and  receive 
eternal  life.  Now  it  is  clearly  stated  that  the  Gospel 
or  the  word  of  God  is  the  power  of  God  unto  salva- 
tion (Rom.  i.  1 6)  and  that  it  pleased  God  to  save 
men  by  the  foolishness  of  preaching  (i  Cor.  i.  21). 
Although  this  is  a  work  difficult  of  accomplishment 
among  men  of  the  woods,  still  the  love  of  Christ 
and  of  souls  constrains  us.  Although  we  do  not 
expect  to  merit  salvation  by  accomplishing  this  work 
-  for  after  we  have  done  all  we  can  we  are  still  un- 
profitable servants  (Luke  17.  10)  and  trust  wholly  in 
the  merits  of  Christ  —  yet  where  the  love  of  Christ 
is,  there  is  the  desire  to  extend  Christ's  Kingdom, 
and  this  desire  moves  men  to  accomplish  a  very 
difficult  and  laborious  work  in  persuading  and  bring- 
ing men  into  the  Kingdom  of  Christ.  Hence  your 
arguments  are  puerile  and  ridiculous. 

You  say  that  you  desire  to  answer  for  the  men  of 
the  forest,  but  it  is  not  necessary  for  you  to  take  that 
labor  upon  yourself.  I  will  work  as  I  shall  have 
opportunity  to  bring  them  into  the  straight  path  of 
salvation,  and  to  give  them  satisfaction  in  all  things. 
If  there  is  any  hope  that  it  will  be  for  the  benefit  of 


?i    j2.n-*J  CJvim   Vfcfffl*  -Lv-tfniJ    u  I  H  i' > 
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IT.  i>i  «.  i  rj?  m    rrt  n  u  i  tv/A-tiii-i  u.Tf  i 


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KAC  SIMILE  IN  REDUCED  SIZE  OF  LETTER  OF  REV.  JOSEPH    BAXTER, 


in  New  England.  147 

reason  ;  that  zeal  for  the  salvation  of  souls  had  led 
him  to  show  the  Savages  the  way  to  Heaven ;  that 
for  the  rest  my  proofs  were  ridiculous  &  childish. 
Having  sent  him  a  second  letter  to  Boston,  in  which 
I  pointed  out  the  blunders  in  his,  he  answered  me  at 
the  end  of  two  years  without  entering  into  the  mat- 
ter, that  I  had  a  jealous  and  critical  spirit,  &  that 
this  was  the  mark  of  a  temperament  inclined  to 
anger.1 

you  who  ought  to  believe,  and  act  and  walk  accord- 
ing to  the  word  of  God  which  is  the  perfect  rule  of 
doctrine  and  morals,  I  will  cheerfully  reply  to  your 
arguments  but  your  messenger  says  that  he  will 
hasten  to  you  to-morrow,  and  so  I  have  not  at  this 
time  an  opportunity  of  replying  to  your  long  letter. 

Farewell,  sir. 

J.  BAXTER. 

To  the  Rev.  Sebastian  Rale  in  the  town  called 
Norridgewock. 

1  The  following  translation  of  this  letter  will  con- 
vince the  reader  that  the  overcritical  priest  did  not 
have  the  best  of  the  argument,  as  he  tries  so  ostenta- 
tiously to  make  his  kinsman  believe. 

Reverend  Sir : 

You  doubtless  take  delight  in  fault  finding  and  so 
find  fault  with  things  that  do  not  deserve  censure, 
and  in  your  fault-finding  you  admit  the  truth  of  the 
charges.  For  you  say  "You  write  English  using 
Latin  words."  In  these  very  words,  Sir,  you  contra- 
dict yourself;  for  if  any  one  uses  Latin  words,  al- 


148  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

though  not  in  a  rhetorical  manner,  he  still  speaks 
Latin,  not  English.  Whoever  speaks  English,  uses 
English  words.  What  if  an  expression  has  a  decided 
English  ring,  it  is  truly  a  Latin  expression. 

You  say  amicum  is  a  substantive  and  cannot  be  an 
adjective,  but  you  are  not  correct.  It  is  most  cer- 
tainly used  by  Latin  writers  as  an  adjective  in  the 
following  :  amicus  animus ;  vale,  lumen  amicum  & 
humor  pratis  amicus  &c. 

You  say  commercium  (intercourse)  in  this  sense  is 
a  foreign  or  unpolished  word.  But  who  will  believe 
your  statement  without  proof.  Ipse  dixit  has  no 
weight. 

Concerning  many  other  things  also  you  say,  "  they 
are  not  Latin  but  foreign."  Your  opinion  is  of  no 
avail.  Most  certainly  such  words  are  used  by  Latin 
writers. 

You  say,  "  merere  is  a  solecism  ;  that  verb  is  de- 
ponent not  active ;  write  merer i?  Learned  men, 
however,  say  it  is  given,  mereo,  merere,  as  well  as 
mereor,  mereri.  Merere  culpam  in  the  infinitive  is  a 
Latin  expression  and  so  merere  salutem,  &c. 

You  say  "  mola  (mill)  is  a  stone  not  a  building." 
Learned  men,  however,  say  that  mo  la  is  the  building 
and  the  stone  that  is  placed  in  the  mill  (in  mola)  is 
the  mill-stone  (lapis  molares). 

You  say  "  domus  has  in  the  accusative  plural  domos 
not  domus"  but  why  has  it  not  both  domos  and 
domus  ? 

You  also  find  fault  with  many  other  things  that  are 
not  to  be  blamed,  and  if  I  were  to  imitate  you,  I  might 
say  "  You  a  minister !  You,  a  member  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus,  and  not  know  these  things  !  "  You  say  that 
my  words  are  unintelligible.  Why,  pray,  are  you  ig- 
norant of  words  often  used  by  Latin  writers  ?  But 


in  New  England.  149 

I  prefer  to  follow  the  example  of  Christ  who  when  he 
was  reviled,  reviled  not  again  ;  when  he  suffered 
threatened  not,  &c.  (i  Pet.  2.  23),  and  I  will  also  give 
heed  to  the  warning  or  command  in  Proverbs  26.  4, 
"  answer  not  a  fool  according  to  his  folly  lest  thou 
also  be  like  unto  him." 

It  is  clearly  evident  that  you  find  fault  with  many 
expressions  that  ought  not  to  be  criticized.  I  grant 
that  there  are  errors  in  my  writing  which  I  wrote  very 
hurriedly,  viz.  :  Existimaris  virtim  for  yin,  movent 
for  movet,  &c.  In  your  writings  also  there  are  many 
errors,  although  you  were,  as  you  say,  a  Professor  of 
Rhetoric  and  Greek  in  the  city  of  Nismes. 

I  was  never  Professor  of  Rhetoric  and  yet  I  see 
errors.  How  many  errors  then  might  a  critic  and  a 
very  learned  man  find  in  your  letters?  Moreover  in 
the  letter  which  you  wrote  in  a  most  boastful  strain, 
you  falsely  accused  me  in  saying,  "  you  boast  among 
the  men  of  the  forest  that  you  know  Latin  very  well," 
for  I  have  never  spoken  a  single  word  to  them  about 
Latin,  but  you  were  especially  boastful  in  your  second 
letter  and  yet  in  that  you  wrote  intelligit  et  accurate 
scribit  Latina.  Even  in  this  expression  you  do  not 
write  Latin  accurately,  for  the  accusative  case  follows 
the  verb  scribit.  You  ought  to  have  written  accurate 
scribit  linguam  Latinam  or  accurate  scribit  Latine. 

o 

You  also  wrote  ut  emendatur  in  scolis.  Scolus  is  a 
mountain  in  Baeotia  and  a  town  in  Macedonia.  You 
should  have  written  in  scholis.  You  also  wrote  sub- 
stantium  et  adjectium.  No  such  Latin  words  are 
given.  You  ought  to  have  written  substantivum  et 
adjectivum.  You  wrote  "you  do  not  quote  Paul 
faithfully.  Paul  says  '  for  it  is  the  virtue  of  God  unto 
salvation  to  every  one  that  believeth'"  (omni  cre- 
dendi).  If  I  were  to  imitate  you  I  might  say  "  What 


150  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

do  you  mean  by  these  words  omni  credendif  You 
should  have  written  "  for  it  is  the  power  of  God  unto 
salvation  to  every  one  that  believeth "  (cuivis  cre- 
dentt). 

You  wrote  merere  est  sollescismus.  What  do  you 
mean  by  this  word  ?  No  such  word  is  given  among 
the  learned.  They  write  soloecismus.  Your  solles- 
cismus is  indeed  a  solecism. 

I  might  speak  of  many  other  things  and  exclaim 
"Your  words  are  foreign  and  unintelligible,  &c.,"but 
of  what  use  are  such  exclamations  ?  1  will  not  imi- 
tate you.  I  see  that  you  are  moved  by  anger  and  I 
would  not  provoke  you.  I  exhort  you  in  the  words 
of  the  Apostle  (Eph.  426-27)  :  "  Let  not  the  sun  go 
down  upon  your  wrath,  neither  give  place  to  the 
devil,"  and  in  verse  31  :  "  Let  all  bitterness  and 
wrath  and  anger  and  clamor  and  evil  speaking  be 
put  away  from  you  with  all  malice."  It  is  written  in 
Tit.  i.  7,  "  For  a  bishop  must  be  blameless  as  the 
steward  of  God  ;  not  self-willed,  not  soon  angry, 
&c.,"  and  in  Eccles.  7.  9,  "  Be  not  hasty  in  thy  spirit 
to  be  angry ;  for  anger  resteth  in  the  bosom  of 
fools." 

You  say,  "  Is  this  conclusion  of  yours  correctly 
drawn  :  I  have  not  made  known  to  you,  and  there- 
fore I  cannot  make  known  in  what  you  are  deceit- 
ful." I  reply:  "Indeed  the  inference  is  rightly 
made  and  it  is  proved  thus  :  if  you  had  been  able  to 
show  it  you  would  certainly  have  made  it  known,  for 
you  were  very  angry  with  me  and  earnestly  desired  to 
show  that  I  was  at  fault. 

You  have  taken  this  upon  yourself,  viz.:  to  prove 
that  I  am  deceitful,  in  the  following  manner  :  ist  : 
You  say  "  I  have  shown  openly  and  have  made  it 
clearer  than  light  that  you  (plural)  neither  have  nor 


in  New  England.  151 

follow  the  correct  standard  of  religious  belief  and 
that  no  one  among  you  is  able  to  make  answer  to 
arguments  that  assert  this.  Therefore  by  endeavor- 
ing to  persuade  a  different  rule  of  faith  upon  the 
men  of  the  forest  you  become  an  unfaithful  custo- 
dian of  their  souls  and  aim  to  plunge  them  more 
deeply  into  hell."  I  reply  that  you  have  not  proved 
this  nor  can  any  of  you  prove  it.  How  often  have 
professors  of  the  reformed  religion  made  answer  to 
all  your  arguments  and  shown  them  to  be  empty  ! 
I  was  not  unfaithful  for  all  my  teachings  were  in  har- 
mony with  the  Holy  Scriptures  which  teach  nothing 
except  truth  and  right.  2d  :  The  men  of  the  forest 
say  "  The  Englishman  is  very  eager  to  be  able  to 
teach  our  children  letters  and  under  cover  of  letters 
gradually  to  persuade  them  all  to  embrace  the  Angli- 
can faith  when'they  are  men,  and  being  thus  united  in 
faith  and  friendship,  no  further  war  may  break  out 
between  them,  &c."  If  the  men  of  the  forest  say 
this,  I  think  you  first  said  it  for  them.  I  have  never 
heard  them  speak  in  this  way.  Some  of  them  speak 
differently.  But  whoever  says  this,  only  substitutes 
it  fraudulently  for  the  truth,  and  neither  fraudulent 
substitution  nor  a  foolish  imagination  proves  the 
thing. 

You  say:  "  I  know  that  you  cannot  present  formal 
arguments,"  but  how  do  you  know  it  ?  Afterwards 
you  say  "  Your  replies  to  theological  arguments  are 
circumlocutions,  &c.,"  but  how  do  you  know  this? 
You  have  never,  I  think,  seen  my  replies  to  any 
theological  arguments.  I  did  not  reply  to  such  argu- 
ments in  the  letter  I  sent  you  and  because  I  did  not, 
you  seem  to  draw  this  conclusion,  viz.:  that  I  cannot 
reply  to  any  formal  arguments.  The  arguments  of 
which  I  spoke  are  contained  in  the  opening  of  your 


152  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

long  letter  where  it  is  stated:  "  Fifty  years  ago  some 
of  the  men  of  the  woods  went  to  the  city  of  Quebec 
to  make  purchases.  When,  however,  they  saw  the 
furnishings  of  the  churches,  the  priests  clad  in  their 
priestly  robes  performing  the  sacred  rites,  and  others 
richly  clad  waiting  upon  them,  and  the  ceremonies 
performed  by  them,  &c.,  they  were  so  moved  by 
these  things  as  to  be  carried  away  in  admiration. 
With  you,  however,  they  would  not  be  moved  by  the 
magnificent  furnishings  and  ornaments  of  your 
churches,  &c."  These  are  not  theological  argu- 
ments, only  argumenta  ad  homines,  and  certainly  what 
you  say  is  more  pleasing  to  boys  than  to  men. 
In  such  words  you  do  not  present  formal  argu- 
ments. 

You  pride  yourself  very  much  on  the  statement, 
"In  the  course  of  my  letter  there  are  many  argu- 
ments thorny,  pungent,  &c.  I  say  and  maintain  that 
neither  you  nor  any  one  of  you  can  answer  them." 
But  is  it  not  written  in  Proverbs  27.  2,  "  Let  another 
man  praise  thee,  not  thine  own  mouth  ;  a  stranger, 
and  not  thine  own  lips,"  and  in  i  Kings  20.  n,  "  Let 
not  him  that  girdeth  on  his  harness  boast  himself  as 
he  that  putteth  it  off."  There  are  many  of  us  who 
can  reply  to  your  arguments  and  show  them  to  be 
empty  and  vain.  Although  you  say  that  I  will  not 
find  that  you  speak  in  anger,  still  I  have  found  that 
you  speak  in  anger  and  write  in  bitterness,  not  only 
in  the  letters  you  sent  me,  but  also  in  the  one  you 
wrote  our  governor.  It  is  said  in  Proverbs  22.  24, 
"  Make  no  friendship  with  an  angry  man,"  and  in 
Proverbs  29.  20,  "  Seest  thou  a  man  that  is  hasty  in 
his  words  ?  There  is  more  hope  of  a  fool  than  of 
him."  When  all  bitterness  and  wrath  and  anger  are 
put  aside  by  you,  and  you  receive  with  meekness  the 


in  New  England.  153 

"  Thus  ended  our  dispute  which  sent  away  the 
Minister,  &  which  rendered  abortive  the  project 
that  he  had  formed  of  seducing  my  Neophytes. 

"  This  first  attempt  having  had  so  little  success, 
they  had  recourse  to  another  artifice.1  An  Eng- 
lishman asked  permission  of  the  Savages  to  build 
on  their  river  a  kind  of  storehouse,  to  trade  there 
with  them,  &  he  promised  to  sell  them  goods  at 
a  much  greater  bargain,  than  they  had  bought  them 
even  at  Boston.  The  Savages  who  would  find  it 
for  their  profit,  &  who  would  save  the  trouble  of 
a  journey  to  Boston,  consented  to  this  willingly. 
Another  Englishman  asked  soon  after  the  same 

ungrafted  word  which  is  able  to  save  your  soul,  I  will 
answer  your  arguments. 

Farewell,  sir, 

I  am  yours, 

J.  BAXTER. 

(The  Latin  of  this  letter  may  be  found  in  the  ap- 
pendix.) 

1  Trading  posts,  or  truck-houses,  as  they  were 
called,  had  been  established  among  the  Abnakis  long 
before  the  arrival  of  Rale  among  them,  and  were 
purely  mercantile  enterprises,  which  were  alike  bene- 
ficial to  both  buyer  and  seller,  except  in  instances 
where  rum  was  sold  to  the  savages  by  unprincipled 
traders,  to  the  scandal  of  the  authorities  and  more 
thoughtful  men  of  New  England,  who  were  not  slow 
in  condemning  it,  but  powerless  to  prevent  it. 

20 


154  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

permission,  offering  conditions  even  more  favor- 
able than  the  first.  It  was  accorded  him  equally. 
This  readiness  of  the  Savages  emboldened  the 
English  to  establish  themselves  along  the  river, 
without  asking  permission ;  they  built  houses 
there,  &  raised  forts  of  which  three  were  of  stone. 
This  proximity  of  the  English  gave  at  first  pleas- 
ure enough  to  the  Savages,  who  did  not  perceive 
the  trap  which  they  laid  for  them,  &  who  only 
looked  at  the  pleasure  which  they  had,  in  finding 
their  new  guests  all  that  they  could  desire. 

"  But  at  last,  perceiving  themselves  insensibly  as 
it  were,  surrounded  by  the  habitations  of  the  Eng- 
lish, they  began  to  open  their  eyes,  &  to  enter- 
tain distrust.  They  asked  the  English  by  what 
right  they  had  established  themselves  on  their 
lands,  &  even  built  forts  there.  The  reply  which 
was  made  them,  that  the  King  of  France  had 
ceded  their  country  to  the  King  of  England,  threw 
them  into  great  alarm ;  for  there  is  no  Savage 
Nation,  which  does  not  suffer  impatiently  what  they 
regard  as  subjection  to  any  Power  whatever  it  may 
be ;  they  will  be  called  allies  and  nothing  more. 
This  is  why  the  Savages  immediately  sent  some  of 
their  number,  to  M.  le  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  Gov- 
ernor General  of  New  France,  to  learn  if  it  were 


in  New  England.  155 

true,  that  in  effect  the  King  had  thus  disposed  of  a 
country  of  which  he  was  not  the  master.  It  was  not 
difficult  to  calm  their  inquietude  ;  it  was  only  neces- 
sary to  explain  to  them  the  articles  of  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht  which  concerned  the  Savages,  &  they  de- 
parted content.1 

1  It  would  indeed  be  interesting  to  know  the  ex- 
act words  in  which  the  wily  Vaudreuil  made  this  im- 
possible explanation.  One  has  only  to  turn  to  the 
French  king's  patent  conveying  Acadia  to  De  Monts 
in  1603,  to  see  just  what  the  French  had  always 
claimed  as  belonging  to  them  prior  to  the  cession  of 
their  claims  to  the  English  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht. 
This  patent  defined  Acadia  as  comprising  all  the 
territory  between  the  forty-third  and  forty-sixth  par- 
allels of  latitude,  and  empowered  De  Monts  to 
"  establish  the  authority  of  the  French  king  and 
thereunto  subject,  cause  to  submit  and  obey,  all  the  peo- 
ple of  said  land"  The  treaty  of  Utrecht  conveyed 
Acadia  to  the  English  "by  its  ancient  limits /  "  that 
is,  as  described  in  the  patent  of  De  Monts,  as  well 
as  all  the  rights  which  they  possessed  therein  ;  yet, 
it  would  seem  by  this  statement  of  Rale,  that  the 
French  governor  was  so  skillful  in  the  use  of  words  as 
to  be  able  to  send  the  anxious  and  jealous  savages 
away,  satisfied  with  the  French,  who  had  conveyed 
Acadia  to  the  English  by  solemn  treaty,  and  inflamed 
against  the  English  who  had  received  the  conveyance, 
of  ;Gerard's  Peace  of  Utrecht,  Bolari's  Importance 
and  Advantage  of  Cape  Breton ;  The  Hardwicke 
Papers,  and  the  Actes,  Memoires,  etc.,  concernant 
la  paix  d' Utrecht.  Also,  me'moire  pour  servir 


156  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

"  About  this  time  a  score  of  Savages  entered  into 
one  of  the  English  houses,  to  trade  or  to  rest.  They 
had  been  there  but  a  short  time,  when  they  saw  the 
house  suddenly  surrounded  by  a  troop  of  nearly  two 
hundred  armed  men.  We  are  dead  men  suddenly  cried 
one  of  them,  let  us  sell  our  lives  dearly.  They  pre- 
pared to  throw  themselves  upon  this  troop,  when  the 
English  perceiving  their  resolution,  &  knowing  be- 
sides of  what  the  Savage  is  capable  in  the  first  access 
of  fury,  strove  to  pacify  them,  by  assuring  them  that 
they  had  no  evil  designs,  &  that  they  had  come  only 
to  invite  some  of  them  to  go  to  Boston,  to  confer 
there  with  the  Governor,  on  the  means  of  keeping 
peace  and  good  understanding,  which  should  exist 
between  the  two  Nations.  The  Savages  a  little  too 
credulous,  deputed  four  of  their  fellow  countrymen 
who  repaired  to  Boston ;  but  when  they  arrived 
there,  the  conference  with  which  they  were  diverted, 
ends  in  retaining  them  prisoners.1 

d'eclaricissementsur  le  droit  que  les  fran^ois  ont  dans 
le  propriete  des  pays  de  I'Amerique  Septentrionale 
de  L'Accadie  depuis  Pentagouet  jusque  a  la  Riviere 
de  quinibequi. 

1  Rale  does  not  agree  with  himself  in  relating  this 
transaction.  The  evidence  is  clear  that  these  men 
were  voluntarily  delivered  to  the  English  as  hostages, 
and  were  so  recognized  by  both  parties  in  their  cor- 


in  New  England.  157 

"  You  will  doubtless  be  surprised  that  so  small  a 
handful  of  Savages,  should  pretend  to  make  head 
against  a  troop  so  numerous  as  that  of  the  English. 
But  our  Savages  have  done  an  infinitude  of  deeds 
which  are  much  more  hardy.  I  will  relate  to  you 
one  only  from  which  you  may  judge  the  others. 

"During  the  last  wars,  a  party  of  thirty  Savages 
returned  from  a  military  expedition  against  the 
English.  As  the  Savages,  &  above  all  the  Ab- 
nakis,  do  not  know  what  it  is  to  put  themselves  on 
their  guard  against  surprises ;  they  fell  asleep  at 
the  first  resting  place,  without  even  thinking  to  post 
a  sentinel  during  the  night.  A  party  of  six  hundred 
English,  commanded  by  a  Colonel,  followed  them  to 
their  Encampment,  &  finding  them  plunged  in  sleep, 
surrounded  them  with  his  force,  resolving  that  not 
one  of  them  should  escape  him.  One  of  the  Sav- 
ages being  awakened,  &  having  perceived  the  Eng- 
lish troops,  suddenly  warned  his  Companions,  crying 


respondence.  Vaudreuil  and  Begon,  as  well  as 
others  on  the  French  side,  always  denominated 
them  otages,  and  a  reference  to  Rale's  correspondence, 
a  portion  of  which  will  be  found  in  Note  i,  p.  161,  will 
show  that  Rale  fully  understood  the  transaction, 
and  reported  it  to  the  French  governor  quite  accu- 
rately; yet  in  this  familiar  letter  to  his  nephew,  he 
places  the  transaction  in  very  different  light. 


158  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

according  to  custom,  we  are  dead  men  let  us  sell  our- 
selves dearly. 

"  The  resolution  was  immediately  taken ;  they 
formed  on  the  instant,  six  little  platoons  of  five  men 
each ;  then  with  hatchet  in  one  hand  &  knife  in  the 
other,  they  threw  themselves  on  the  English  with 
such  impetuosity  &  fury,  that  after  having  killed 
more  than  sixty  men,  among  whom  was  the  Colonel, 
they  put  the  rest  to  flight.1 

"  The  Abnakis  no  sooner  learned  in  what  way 
their  comrades  were  treated  in  JBoston,  than  they  com- 
plained bitterly  of  this,  that  in  the  midst  of  the  peace 
in  which  they  rejoiced,  the  right  of  the  nation  was 
violated  to  the  utmost.  The  English  replied  that 
they  only  retained  the  prisoners  as  hostages  for  the 
wrong  which  had  been  done  them,  in  killing  several 
cattle  which  belonged  to  them ;  that  as  soon  as  they 

1  One  can  hardly  understand  how  Rale  could  have 
listened  to  this  boastful  story,  and  then  have  gravely 
recorded  it  as  true.  Neither  Englishmen  nor  French- 
men shrunk  from  encountering  bodies  of  savages 
outnumbering  them ;  indeed,  the  European  ever 
held  the  prowess  of  the  savage  in  contempt,  except 
when  he  was  in  ambush  or  hidden  by  the  shadows  of 
night.  In  a  fair  fight  he  was  no  match  for  the  civil- 
ized man,  yet  Rale  would  have  his  nephew  believe 
that  the  English  were  a  race  of  cowards.  History 
renders  a  sufficient  answer  to  this. 


in  New  England.  159 

would  repay  this  damage,  which  amounted  to  200 
pounds  of  Beaver,  the  prisoners  would  be  released. 
Although  the  Abnakis  were  not  convinced  of  this 
pretended  damage,  they  did  not  omit  to  pay  the  200 
pounds  of  Beaver,  not  wishing  that  for  so  small  a 
thing,  they  could  be  reproached  for  having  aban- 
doned their  brothers.  Meanwhile,  notwithstanding 
the  payment  of  the  disputed  debt,  they  refused  to 
liberate  their  prisoners. 

"  The  Governor  of  Boston,  fearing  that  this  refusal 
would  force  the  Savages  to  venture  upon  a  bold 
stroke,  proposed  to  treat  this  affair  amicably  in  a 
conference ;  they  agreed  on  the  day  &  the  place 
where  it  should  be  held  ;  the  savages  repaired  there 
with  P.  Rale,  their  Missionary ;  the  Pere  de  la 
Chasse,  Superior  General  of  these  Missions,  who  was 
then  making  his  visit,  was  there  also,  but  M.  the 
Governor  did  not  appear.  The  Savages  argued  ill 
from  his  absence.1  They  formed  the  resolution  to 

1  Shute  well  answered  this  in  a  letter  to  Vau- 
dreuil,  April  23,  1722,  as  follows:  "  They  have  also 
misinformed  you  in  saying  that  I  had  appointed  to 
meet  them  the  last  year ;  for,  on  the  contrary,  I  sent 
them  word  by  an  express  that  some  of  the  principal 
gentlemen  of  this  government  would  see  and  treat 
with  them  at  Arrowsick,  who  accordingly  went 
thither,  but  finding  no  Indians,  returned." 


160  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

make  him  understand  their  sentiments  by  a  letter 
written  in  the  savage  tongue,  in  English  &  in 
Latin ;  &  the  Pere  de  la  Chasse,  who  understood 
these  three  languages,  was  appointed  to  write  it.  It 
seemed  useless  to  use  any  other  than  the  English 
language,  but  the  Father  was  very  glad,  because  on 
the  one  hand  the  Savages  would  know  themselves, 
that  the  letter  contained  nothing  but  what  they  had 
dictated ;  &  on  the  other,  the  English  could  not 
doubt  that  the  English  translation  was  faithful.  The 
sense  of  this  letter  was  ist.,  That  the  Savages  could 
not  comprehend  why  their  fellow  countrymen  were 
held  after  a  promise  had  been  given  to  return  them 
as  soon  as  200  pounds  of  Beaver  were  paid  ;  2nd., 
That  they  were  not  less  surprised  to  see  that  their 
country  was  seized  upon  without  their  consent;  3rd, 
That  the  English  should  leave  it  as  soon  as  possible 
&  set  at  large  their  prisoners ;  that  they  would  ex- 
pect their  reply  within  two  months,  &  that  if  after 
that  time  they  refused  to  satisfy  them,  they  knew 
well  how  to  get  justice. 

"  It  was  in  the  month  of  July  of  the  year  1721  that 
this  letter  was  carried  to  Boston  by  some  English- 
men who  had  assisted  at  the  Conference.  As  the 
two  months  rolled  by  without  a  reply  from  Boston, 
&  besides,  the  English  ceased  to  sell  powder,  shot, 


in  New  England.  161 

&  food  to  the  Abnakis  as  they  had  done  before 
this  trouble ;  our  Savages  prepared  to  make  reprisal. 
It  needed  all  the  influence  of  M.  la  Marquis  de  Vau- 
dreuil  upon  their  minds,  to  make  them  suspend  for 
a  while  the  vows  already  made.1  But  their  patience 
was  at  last  pushed  to  the  extreme,  by  two  acts  of 
hostility  which  the  English  committed  at  the  end  of 
December  of  the  year  1721,  &  in  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1722.  The  first  was  the  seizure  of  M.  de 
St.  Castin.  This  officer  is  Lieutenant  in  our  troops  ; 
his  mother  was  an  Abnaki  &  he  has  always  lived 
with  our  Savages,  among  whom  he  has  so  merited 
their  esteem  and  confidence  that  they  have  chosen 
him  for  their  Commander  General ;  in  this  capacity 
he  could  not  help  assisting  at  the  conference  at 
which  I  spoke,  where  he  endeavored  to  regulate  the 
interests  of  the  Abnakis  his  brethren. 

1  Rale's  report  of  this  sham  conference,  planned 
and  arranged  most  artfully  by  himself,  de  la  Chasse 
and  Vaudreuil,  when  compared  with  Vaudreuil  and 
Begon's  report,  which  fortunately  has  recently  come 
to  light  and  is  printed  in  note  i,  page  1 10,  shows  well 
his  method  of  writing  history.  As  for  Vaudreuil's 
magnanimity  in  striving  to  prevent  the  savages  from 
attacking  the  English,  it  did  not  exist,  as  Rale's  cor- 
respondence with  him  shows.  Let  us  examine  some 
of  the  French  correspondence  bearing  on  the  sub- 
ject. In  a  report  made  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans  by 


1 62  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

11  The  English  thought  it  a  crime  ;  they  dispatched 
a  small  Vessel  towards  the  place  of  his  abode.  The 
captain  took  pains  to  conceal  him,  and  with  the  ex- 

P6re  Charlevoix,  Oct.  29  1720,  after  treating  of  the 
limits  of  Acadia,  Charlevoix  relates  a  conference  be- 
tween Vaudreuil  and  the  savages  of  Norridgewock. 
The  latter  complained  to  him  respecting  the  terms  of 
the  peace  made  by  the  French  with  the  English,  when 
he  replied,  "  My  children,  I  will  send  you  underhand, 
sans  mains,  hatchets,  powder  and  lead.  '  Is  it  thus, 
then,'  replied  the  savage,  '  that  the  father  helps  his 
children,  and  have  we  helped  thee  in  this  fashion?' 
'A  father,'  he  added/  when  he  sees  his  son  contending 
with  an  enemy  stronger  than  himself,  comes  forward, 
makes  his  son  withdraw  and  tells  the  enemy  that  it  is 
with  him  that  he  has  to  deal.'  '  Eh  bien,  my  chil- 
dren,' said  Monsieur,  the  Governor,  '  I  will  engage 
the  other  savage  nations  to  help  you.'  To  these 
words  the  deputies  with  a  mocking  laugh  replied  : 
'  Know  that  whenever  we  all  wish,  inasmuch  as  we 
are  of  the  nations  of  this  vast  continent,  we  will  unite 
together  to  drive  out  of  it  all  foreigners,  whoever 
they  may  be." 

''This  declaration  surprised  Monsieur  de  Vau- 
dreuil, who,  to  quiet  them,  protested  that  rather  than 
abandon  them  to  the  mercy  of  the  English,  he  would 
march  himself  to  their  aid.  *  *  *  Monsieur 
the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  asserts  that  he  has  among 
the  Abnakis  of  Norridgewock,  an  accredited  man, 
'  homme  accredited  who  is  wholly  devoted  to  him. 
Monsieur  Begon  is  of  the  opinion  that  it  is  necessary 
that  some  rattle  brain  of  the  savages  should  strike  a 
blow  at  the  English  which  should  bring  about  war." 


in  New  England.  163 

ception  of  two  or  three  men  whom  he  left  on  deck, 
they  invited  M.  de  St.  Castin,  among  whom  he  was 
well  known,  to  come  on  board  to  refresh  himself. 

This  state  of  affairs  continued,  and  on  the  8th  of 
June,  1721,  Vaudreuil  and  Begon  were  informed  by 
the  king  that  he  was  satisfied  with  Rale's  efforts  to 
incite  the  savages  against  the  English 

On  the  8th  of  October,  Vaudreuil  and  Begon  re- 
ported to  the  king  what  had  taken  place  in  Canada  for 
several  months  past.  Although  this  report  is  given 
in  the  original  French  under  note  i,  page  no,  it  may 
not  be  considered  out  of  place  to  translate  a  portion 
of  it  here.  Vaudreuil  and  Begon  reported  that  they 
had  been  informed  by  Rale,  that  upon  the  representa- 
tions he  had  made  to  the  savages  not  to  permit 
English  settlements  on  the  lower  Kennebec,  they 
had  during  the  past  two  years  killed  a  large  number 
of  the  settlers'  cattle ;  but  that  there  had  grown  up 
a  peace  party,  whose  sentiments  had  so  far  pre- 
vailed, as  to  cause  the  tribe  to  send  four  hostages  to 
Boston. 

Rale  had  also,  they  say,  informed  them  "that  the 
English  having  appointed  a  conference  to  engage  the 
rest  of  the  village  to  permit  their  settlement,  it  was 
necessary  that  in  this  conference  the  party  of  the 
Savages  well  intentioned ;  i  that  is,  the  war  party,' 
should  be  the  more  numerous,  in  order  to  compel  those 
who  had  been  gained  by  the  English  to  return  to  their 
former  feeling,  so  that  they  should  all  together  speak 
emphatically  to  the  English  to  oblige  them  to  retire  from 
their  lands''  In  other  words,  Rale  deemed  it  neces- 
sary to  pack  the  conference  with  men  whom  he  had 
encouraged  to  make  war  upon  the  English,  which 


164  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

M.  de  St.  Castin,  who  had  no  reason  for  holding 
himself  on  the  defensive,  went  alone  &  unat- 
tended. But  hardly  had  he  appeared  there  when 

with  his  greater  skill  in  diplomacy  he  could  easily 
accomplish. 

The  report  continues,  that  as  Rale  fears  that  others 
of  the  war  party  may  be  won  over  by  the  English, 
"he  has  engaged  six  Savages  to  come  here"  that  is  to 
Quebec,  "to  invite  the  Abnakis  and  the  Hurons  of 
Lorctte  to  Jind  themselves  at  the  conference.  To 
facilitate  the  success  of  this  invitation,  the  Sieur  de 
Vaiidreuil  has  brought  them  to  the  villages  of  St. 
Francis  and  Bdcancourt,  who  have  explained  how  much 
the  enterprise  of  the  English  was  prejudicial  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  nation.  The  Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  has 
let  them  know  that  it  was  important  that  the  English- 
man may  see  for  himself  that  he  will  draw  them  all 
against  him. 

"  These  two  villages  agreed  to  send  to  this  conference 
three  canoes  from  St.  Francis  and  three  from  B  ^can- 
court  to  which  is  to  be  joined  a  canoe  of  the  Hurons  of 
Lorette. 

"He  has  thought  it  also  his  duty  to  engage  with  them, 
the  Father  de  la  C/iasse,  Superior  of  the  Jesuits,  who 
having  been  for  20  years  missionary  of  the  three 
Abnaki  villages  of  Acadia,  knows  them  well. 

"  This  Father  went  first  to  Norridgewock  and  after 
having  brought  all  the  savages  of  that  nation  to  one 
mind,  he  invited  the  savages  of  the  village  of  Penobscot, 
from  whence  he  also  notified  those  of  Medocteh  and 
Pemondaki. 

"He  returned  immediately  to  Norridgewock,  accom- 
panied by  more  than  100  savages  of  Penobscot,  and 


in  New  England.  165 

they  seized  &  carried  him  to  Boston.  There  they 
cross-questioned  him  &  interrogated  him  like  a 
criminal.  Among  other  things  they  asked  him  why 

deputies  f row  the  villages  of  Medocteh  and  Pemondaky. 
He  also  made  those  of  Piscataqua  come,  who  are  near- 
est to  the  English  on  the  coast  of  Boston. 

"  These  Savages  thus  assembled  and  to  the  number  of 
250  who  represented  all  the  Abnaki  nation  and  their 
allies,  after  having  taken  counsel,  presented  themselves 
the  2%t/i  of  July  last,  armed  before  the  English  fort  of 
Menaskous  where  the  conference  was  appointed."  On 
the  loth  of  November,  Vaudreuil  in  another  letter  to 
the  Council  of  State,  says,  that  he  "  is  persuaded  that 
if  his  Majesty  permits  him  to  join  t/ie  French  with  the 
Abnakis,  the  English  will  be  forced  to  abandon  all  the 
settlements  which  they  have  on  the  lands  of  these  Sav- 
ages, he  feels  certain  of  the  result  by  the  long  experience 
that  he  has,  that  the  Abnakis  supported  by  the  French 
have  always  made  the  English  tremble,  who  have  been 
obliged  in  the  last  war  to  abandon  nearly  a  hundred 
leagues  of  country" 

It  is  unnecessary  to  quote  from  the  French  corre- 
spondence at  greater  length  to  show  how  far  from  the 
true  picture  is  this  which  Rale  presents  to  his 
nephew.  Charlevoix's  account  of  this  conference  so 
artfully  prepared  by  Vaudreuil,  Rale  and  de  la 
Chasse,  presents  an  equally  false  picture  to  the  world, 
and  should  be  carefully  compared  with  the  detailed 
reports  of  Vaudreuil  and  Begon  to  the  French  govern- 
ment. Vide  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  3, 
pp.  49-70,  et passim;  Histoireet  Description  Generale 
de  la  Nouvelle  France,  etc.,  a  Paris  MDCCXLIV, 
Tome  quatrieme,  pp.  113-115. 


1 66  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

&  in  what  capacity  he  had  assisted  at  the  confer- 
ence which  was  held  among  the  Savages ;  what  was 
signified  by  the  Military  uniform  in  which  he  was 
clothed ;  &  if  he  had  been  sent  to  that  assembly  by 
the  Governor  of  Canada.  M.  de  St.  Castin  replied 
that  he  was  an  Abnaki  on  his  mother's  side  ;  that  he 
had  passed  his  life  among  the  Savages ;  that  his 
Countrymen  having  chosen  him  Chief  of  their  Nation, 
he  was  obliged  to  enter  into  their  assemblies  to  sup- 
port their  interests  ;  that  it  was  in  this  capacity  alone 
that  he  had  assisted  at  the  last  conference ;  as  for 
the  rest  the  coat  which  he  wore  was  not  a  Military 
uniform,  as  they  thought  it ;  that  in  truth,  it  was  his 
own  &  well  enough  decorated,  but  was  not  above 
his  rank,  even  independent  of  the  honor  which  he 
had  in  being  an  Officer  in  our  troops. 

"  M.  our  Governor,  having  learned  of  the  detention 
of  M.  de  St.  Castin,  wrote  at  once  to  the  Governor 
of  Boston  to  make  complaint. 

"  He  received  no  reply  to  his  letter.  But  near  the 
time  the  English  Governor  expected  to  receive  a 
second,  he  restored  liberty  to  his  prisoner,  after 
having  kept  him  confined  during  five  months. 

'  The  enterprise  of  the  English  against  myself,  was 
the  second  act  of  hostility,  which  served  to  irritate 
to  excess  the  Abnaki  Nation.  A  missionary  could 


in  New  England.  167 

not  fail  to  be  an  object  of  hatred  to  these  Gentlemen. 
The  love  of  Religion,  which  he  strives  to  engrave  in 
the  hearts  of  the  Savages,  holds  these  Neophytes 
strongly  to  our  alliance,  and  alienates  them  from  that 
of  the  English. 

"  They  also  regard  me  as  an  invincible  obstacle  to 
the  design  which  they  have  to  spread  themselves 
over  the  Abnakis'  territory,  &  little  by  little  to 
seize  the  continent  which  is  between  New  England 
and  Acadia.  They  have  often  sought  to  carry  me 
off  from  my  flock,  &  more  than  once  my  head  has 
been  put  on  sale.1  It  was  toward  the  end  of  Janu- 
ary in  the  year  1722,  that  they  made  a  new  attempt, 

1  Charlevoix,  who  almost  literally  quotes  Rale, 
says :  "They  set  a  price  on  his  head  and  promised  a 
thousand  pounds  sterling  to  anyone  who  brought  it 
to  them."  Our  own  writers  have  copied  and  re- 
peated this  without  taking  the  trouble  to  ascertain 
the  facts  relative  to  the  transaction.  This  statement 
of  Charlevoix  fairly  exhibits  the  percentage  of  truth 
to  be  found  in  his  entertaining  history.  The  follow- 
ing is  the  act  which  passed  the  General  Assembly 
July  13,  1720:  "  This  court  being  credibly  informed 
that  Mons.  Ralle,  the  Jesuit,  residing  among  the 
Eastern  Indians,  has  not  only,  on  several  occasions 
of  late,  affronted  His  Majesty's  government  of  this 
Province,  but  has  also  been  the  incendiary  that  has 
instigated  and  stirred  up  those  Indians  to  treat  His 
Majesty's  subjects  settling  there  in  the  abusive,  in- 
solent, hostile  manner  that  they  have  done. 


1 68  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

which  had  no  other  success  than  to  show  their  ill 
will  in  regard  to  me. 

"  I  had  remained  alone  in  the  village  with  a  small 
number  of  the  old  and  infirm,  while  the  rest  of  the 
savages  were  off  hunting.  The  time  seemed  favor- 
able to  them  to  surprise  me,  &  with  this  in  view 
they  sent  out  a  detachment  of  200  men.  Two  young 
Abnakis  who  were  hunting  on  the  seashore,  learned 
that  the  English  had  entered  the  river ;  they  im- 
mediately turned  their  steps  that  way  in  order  to 
watch  their  progress ;  having  perceived  them  at 
ten  leagues  from  the  village,  they  outran  them  in 
crossing  the  country  to  give  me  warning,  &  to 
cause  the  old  men,  women  &  children  to  retire  in 
haste. 

"  I  had  but  time  to  swallow  the  consecrated  Wafers, 
to  put  the  holy  Vessels  into  a  little  chest,  &  to  save 

"Resolved,  That  a  premium  of  One  Hundred 
Pounds  be  allowed  and  paid  out  of  the  Public 
Treasury  to  any  person  that  shall  apprehend  the 
sd  Jesuit  within  any  part  of  this  Province  and  bring 
him  to  Boston  and  render  him  to  justice." 

It  will  be  seen  that  no  price  was  put  upon  his  head, 
and  that  the  sum  offered  was  one-tenth  the  sum 
Rale  and  Charlevoix  state  it  to  have  been.  (Vide 
Shea's  Charlevoix,  New  York,  1871,  vol.  5,  p. 
275  ;  Council  Records,  Massachusetts  Archives,  vol. 
8,  p.  71.) 


in  New  England.  169 

myself  in  the  woods.  The  English  arrived  in  the 
evening  at  the  Village,  &  not  having  found  me,  they 
came  the  next  day  to  search  for  me,  even  to  the 
place  of  our  retreat.  They  were  in  gunshot  when  we 
discovered  them  ;  all  that  I  could  do,  was  to  bury 
myself  in  haste  in  the  depths  of  the  forest.  But  as  I 
had  not  the  time  to  ,take  my  snowshoes  &  besides 
as  there  remained  to  me  considerable  weakness  from  a 
fall  from  which  several  years  since  I  had  a  broken  leg 
&  thigh,  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  fly  very  far. 
The  only  resource  left  me,  was  to  conceal  myself  be- 
hind a  tree.  They  immediately  traversed  the  differ- 
ent paths  made  by  the  Savages,  when  they  went  to 
gather  wood,  &  when  they  came  within  eight  steps 
of  the  tree  which  concealed  &  where  naturally  they 
ought  to  have  seen  me,  as  the  trees  were  stripped  of 
leaves ;  still  as  if  they  had  been  restrained  by  an  in- 
visible hand,  they  all  at  once  retraced  their  steps  & 
repaired  again  to  the  village. 

"It  was  thus  as  by  an  especial  protection  of  God 
that  I  escaped  their  hands.  They  pillaged  my 
Church  &  my  little  dwelling,  whereby  they  almost 
reduced  me  to  death  by  hunger  in  the  midst  of  the 
woods.  It  is  true  that  when  they  knew  of  my  ad- 
venture at  Quebec,  they  immediately  sent  me  pro- 
visions, but  they  could  not  arrive  until  very  late,  &  dur- 


1 70  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

ing  that  time  I  found  myself  deprived  of  all  succor 
and  in  extreme  need. 

"  These  repeated  insults  made  the  Savages  judge 
that  they  had  no  further  answer  to  expect,  &  that 
it  was  time  to  repel  violence,  &  to  make  open  force 
succeed  peaceful  negotiations.  On  returning  from 
the  hunt,  &  after  having  sown  their  lands  they 
took  the  resolution  to  destroy  the  newly  constructed 
dwellings  of  the  English  and  to  remove  far  from  them 
these  unquiet  &  redoubtable  guests,  who  little  by  little 
encroached  on  their  lands  &  who  meditated  enslav- 
ing them.  They  sent  a  deputation  into  the  differ- 
ent villages  of  the  Savages,  to  interest  them  in  their 
cause  &  to  engage  them  to  lend  a  hand  in  the 
necessity  wherein  they  were  making  a  just  defence. 
The  deputation  was  successful.  They  chanted  the 
war  among  the  Hurons  of  Lorette,  &  in  all  the  vil- 
lages of  the  Abnaki  Nations.  Norridgewock  was  the 
place  designed  for  the  assembling  of  the  Warriors, 
that  they  might  concert  their  plans  together.  Mean- 
while the  Norridgewockians descended  the  river;  ar- 
rived at  its  mouth,  they  seized  three  or  four  little  Ves- 
sels belonging  to  the  English.  Then  reascending 
the  same  river  they  pillaged  and  burned  the  new 
houses  which  the  English  had  built.  They  ab- 
stained nevertheless  from  all  violence  toward  the  in- 


in  New  England.  171 

habitants ;  they  even  permitted  them  to  withdraw  to 
their  people,  excepting  five  whom  they  retained  as 
hostages  until  their  countrymen  had  been  given  up 
who  were  detained  in  the  prisons  of  Boston. 

"  This  moderation  of  the  Savages  had  not  the  effect 
which  they  hoped ;  on  the  contrary  a  party  of  Eng- 
lish having  found  sixteen  Abnakis  sleeping  on  an 
Island,  made  a  general  discharge  on  them,  by  which 
five  were  killed  and  three  wounded.1 

"  This  is  the  new  signal  of  the  war,  which  is  being 
lighted  between  the  English  and  the  Savages.  The 
latter  expected  no  help  from  the  French,  because  of 
the  peace  which  reigns  between  the  two  Nations ; 
but  they  have  one  resource  in  all  the  other  Savage 
Nations,  who  will  not  fail  to  enter  into  their  quarrel, 
and  to  take  up  their  defense 

"  My  Neophytes,  touched  by  the  peril  in  which  I 
found  myself  exposed  in  their  Village,  often  press 
me  to  retire  for  a  while  to  Quebec.  But  what  will 
become  of  the  flock,  if  it  is  deprived  of  its  Shepherd  ? 
There  is  nothing  but  death  that  can  seperate  me 
from  it.  They  have  well  represented  to  me,  that  in 

!This  relates  to  Harmon's  act  at  Pleasant  Point 
and  is  another  strange  perversion  of  facts,  perhaps 
caused  by  a  too  ready  confidence  in  savage  ra- 
conteurs. 


I  72  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

case  I  should  fall  into  the  power  of  their  enemies, 
the  least  that  can  befall  me  is  to  languish  the  rest  of 
my  life  in  a  hard  prison  ;  I  close  their  mouths  with 
the  words  of  the  Apostle,  which  Divine  goodness 
has  engraved  deep  in  my  heart,  "  Do  not  trouble 
yourselves,  I  say  to  them  as  to  what  regards  me  ;  I 
fear  not  the  threats  of  those  who  hate  me  without  a 
cause  &  /  count  not  my  life  dear  unto  myself  that  I 
might  finish  my  course,  &  the  ministry  which  I  have 
received  of  the  Lord  Jesus.  Pray  him  my  dear 
Nephew  that  he  will  strengthen  in  me  this  senti- 
ment which  springs  only  from  his  mercy,  to  the 
end  I  may  live  and  die  without  ceasing  to  labor  for 
the  salvation  of  these  neglected  souls,  which  are  the 
price  of  his  Blood,  &  which  he  has  deigned  to  com- 
mit to  my  care. 

11 1  am,  &c." 

We  can  but  admire  the  calm  reliance  of  Rale 
upon  the  protection  of  a  higher  power,  and  his  en- 
tire devotion  to  what  he  considered  his  duty.  The 
spirit  which  he  exhibits  in  his  religious  work  largely 
compensates  for  his  arrogant  assumptions  of  superi- 
ority over  religious  workers  in  other  fields,  and  the 
weakness  which  he  displays  in  recounting  the  prow- 
ess of  his  savage  people,  and  accepting  their  rela- 
tions of  transactions  with  the  English  as  facts  to  be 


in  New  England.  1 73 

recorded  as  history.  Nor,  regarding  him  as  a  fal- 
lible Christian  of  a  fallible  age,  should  we  be  sur- 
prised that  he  did  not  love  the  English,  though  as  a 
disciple  of  Christ,  we  should  admire  him  more  if  he 
had  displayed  more  charity  toward  them.  This  lack, 
however,  was  to  prove  his  bane.  He  had  taken  the 
sword  figuratively,  and  was  to  perish  by  it. 

In  the  winter  of  1723,  another  expedition  against 
Norridgewock  was  planned.  It  was  led  by  the  in- 
trepid Harmon,  but  he  found  the  country  impassable, 
and  returned  to  camp  without  accomplishing  his  pur- 
pose. This  failure  but  strengthened  the  self-confi- 
dence of  the  savages,  and  increased  their  audacity. 
The  Rev.  Joseph  Willard  was  surprised  on  the  high- 
way and  killed  after  a  struggle  in  which  he  manfully 
defended  his  life.1  The  Abnaki  converts  had  killed 
three  of  New  England's  Christian  pastors,  who  had 

1  He  was  a  graduate  of  Yale  College,  in  1714, 
and  was  settled  in  the  ministry  at  Southerland  for 
several  years  after  leaving  college.  In  the  summer 
of  1721  he  moved  to  Rutland.  On  the  i4th  of  Au- 
gust, 1723,  a  party  of  five  savages  fell  upon  Deacon 
Joseph  Stevens  and  his  four  sons  while  making  hay 
on  their  farm  at  Rutland.  Two  of  the  sons  were 
killed,  and  two  made  prisoners ;  but  the  father  es- 
caped by  concealing  himself  in  some  bushes.  Two 
of  the  savages  then  concealed  themselves  in  ambush 
to  surprise  some  other  haymakers  in  the  vicinity,  but 


1 74  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

taken  no  part  in  the  war,  nor  done  anything  to  make 
themselves  conspicuous.  To  many  it  seemed  as  if 
the  war  was  a  religious  one,  and  that  the  cause  of  it 
could  be  traced  to  the  Jesuit  missions,  established 
in  defiance  of  a  law  of  England,  which  prohibited 
even  the  residence  of  a  Jesuit  within  her  territorial 
possessions. 

Rale  and  Lauverjeat,  his  confrere  on  the  Penob- 
scot,  were  certainly  encouraging  their  neophytes  in 
the  war,  and  glorying  in  their  successes.  About  this 
time  he  penned  the  following  interesting  letter  to 
his  brother  in  France.1- 

"At  Nanrantsouak,  this  i2th.  of  October  1723. 
"  Monsieur  and  very  dear  brother  : 
"  The  peace  of  Our  Lord  : 

"  I  can  no  longer  refuse  the  kind  requests  which 
you  make  me  in  all  your  letters,  to  inform  you  a 
little  in  detail  of  my  occupations  and  of  the  charac- 

not  wanting  to  be  too  long  separated  from  their 
companions,  who  had  gone  on  with  the  prisoners, 
they  started  to  join  them,  when  they  encountered 
Mr.  Willard,  who  was  armed,  and  fired  upon  him. 
Willard  returned  the  fire,  and  wounded  one  of  them. 
The  other  would  probably  have  been  overpowered 
had  not  the  three  others,  hearing  the  firing,  come  to 
his  assistance  and  slain  the  brave  minister. 

1  Vide  Lettres  Edifiantes  et  Curieuses,  Paris,  1726- 
The  translation  is  the  author's. 


in  New  England.  175 

ter  of  the  Savage  nations,  in  the  midst  of  which 
Providence  has  placed  me  for  so  many  years.  I  do 
it  the  more  willingly,  because  in  conforming  in  this 
regard  to  wishes  so  urgent  on  your  part  I  satisfy  yet 
more  your  affection  and  curiosity. 

"  It  was  the  23  of  July  of  the  year  1689  tnat  I  em" 
barked  at  Rochelle ;  and  after  three  months  of  a 
pleasant  enough  voyage,  I  arrived  at  Quebec  the  13 
of  October  of  the  same  year.  I  applied  myself  at 
first  to  learning  the  language  of  our  Savages.  This 
is  difficult  ;  because  it  is  not  sufficient  to  study  the 
terms  and  their  signification  and  to  make  a  collec- 
tion of  words  and  phrases,  it  is  still  necessary  to 
know  the  turn  and  the  arrangement  which  the  sav- 
ages give  them,  which  one  hardly  acquires  except  by 
intercourse  and  association  with  these  people. 

"  I  went  then  to  dwell  in  a  village  with  the  Abnaki 
nation,  situated  in  a  forest,  which  is  only  three 
leagues  from  Quebec.  This  was  inhabited  by  two 
hundred  savages  nearly  all  Christians.  Their  cabins 
were  arranged  a  little  like  the  houses  in  the  towns  ; 
an  inclosure  of  stakes,  thick  and  high,  form  a  kind 
of  wall  which  shelters  them  from  the  incursions  of 
their  enemies. 

"  Their  cabins  are  very  soon  set  up  ;  they  plant 
poles  which  they  join  at  the  top;  and  they  cover 


i  j6  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

them  with  great  sheets  of  bark.  The  fire  is  made  in 
the  middle  of  the  cabin  ;  they  spread  all  round  rush 
mats,  on  which  they  sit  during  the  day ;  and  take 
their  repose  during  the  night. 

"  The  clothing  of  the  men  consists  of  a  cassock  of 
skin,  or  else  of  a  piece  of  red  or  blue  stuff.  That  of 
the  women  is  a  blanket ;  which  hangs  from  the  neck 
quite  to  the  middle  of  the  legs  and  which  they  ad- 
just quite  properly.  They  put  another  blanket  on 
the  head,  which  descends  even  to  the  feet  and  which 
serves  them  for  a  cloak.  Their  stockings  extend 
only  from  the  knee  to  the  ankle.  Socks  made  of 
elks'  hide  and  lined  inside  with  hair  or  wool  serve 
them  in  place  of  shoes.  This  sock  is  absolutely 
necessary  to  them  in  order  to  be  adjusted  to  the 
snow-shoes,  by  means  of  which  they  walk  upon 
the  snow.  These  snow-shoes  are  made  lozenge 
shape,  are  more  than  two  feet  long  and  a  foot  and  a 
half  wide.  I  did  not  believe  that  I  could  ever  walk 
with  such  machines  ;  when  I  made  trial  of  them  I 
soon  found  it  so  easy  that  the  savages  could  not  be- 
lieve that  it  was  the  first  time  that  I  had  made 
use  of  them.  The  invention  of  these  snow-shoes  is 
of  great  use  to  these  savages  not  only  to  travel  on 
the  snow,  with  which  the  ground  is  covered  a  great 
part  of  the  year,  but  also  to  go  in  pursuit  of  beasts 


in  New  England.  177 

and  above  all  of  the  moose ;  these  animals,  larger 
than  the  largest  oxen  of  France  walk  only  with  diffi- 
culty upon  the  snow  ;  thus  it  is  not  difficult  for  the 
savages  to  overtake  them,  and  they  often  kill  them 
with  a  common  knife  attached  to  the  end  of  a  stick, 
they  feed  upon  their  flesh  and  after  having  well 
dressed  their  skins  in  which  they  are  skillful  they 
trade  them  with  French  and  English  who  give  them  in 
exchange  cassocks,  blankets,  kettles,  guns,  hatchets 
and  knives. 

"To give  you  an  idea  of  a  savage,  picture  to  your- 
self a  large  man  strong,  agile,  of  a  swarthy  tint, 
without  beard,  with  black  hair,  and  whose  teeth  are 
whiter  than  ivory.  If  you  wish  to  see  him  in  his 
acoutrements  you  will  only  find  for  his  whole  adorn- 
ment what  is  called  beads ;  this  is  a  kind  of  shell  or 
stone  which  they  fashion  into  the  form  of  little  grains, 
some  white  and  others  black,  and  which  they  string 
in  such  a  manner,  that  they  represent  divers  very 
regular  figures  which  are  agreeable  to  them.  It  is 
with  this  bead  that  our  Savages  knot  and  plait  their 
hair  above  their  ears  and  behind,  make  collars,  gar- 
ters, belts,  five  or  six  inches  wide  and  with  this  sort  of 
ornaments  they  estimate  themselves  a  great  deal 
more  than  an  European  does  with  all  his  gold  and 
his  jewels. 
23 


1 78  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

"  The  occupation  of  the  men  is  hunting  or  war,  that 
of  the  women  is  to  remain  in  the  village  and  to  make 
there  out  of  bark,  baskets,  bags,  boxes,  dishes,  plates 
etc.  They  sew  the  bark  with  roots  and  make  of 
them  various  utensils  very  appropriately  wrought, 
the  canoes  are  likewise  made  solely  of  bark,  but  the 
largest  can  scarce  hold  more  than  si-x  or  seven  persons. 

"It  is  with  these  canoes  made  of  a  bark  which  has 
hardly  the  thickness  of  a  crown,  that  they  cross  the 
arms  of  the  sea,  and  that  they  navigate  the  most 
dangerous  rivers  and  lakes  of  four  or  6ve  hundred 
leagues  around.  I  have  thus  made  many  voyages 
without  having  run  any  risk.  Only  once,  that  in 
crossing  the  river  Saint  Lawrence  I  found  myself 
suddenly  surrounded  with  masses  of  ice  of  enormous 
size  and  the  canoe  was  wedged  in  them  ;  at  once  the 
two  savages  who  conducted  me  cried  out ;  "  we  are 
dead  men  ;  it  is  done,  we  must  perish,"  in  the  mean 
time  making  an  effort,  they  leaped  upon  the  floating 
ice.  I  did  like  them,  and  after  having  drawn  up  the 
canoe  we  carried  it  to  the  extremity  of  this  ice.  Then 
it  was  necessary  for  us  to  place  ourselves  again  in  the 
canoe  to  gain  another  ice  cake,  and  thus  then  leaping 
from  ice  cake  to  ice  cake,  we  arrived  at  last  at  the 
bank  of  the  stream  without  other  inconvenience  than 
being  very  wet  and  numb  with  cold.  Nothing  equals 


in  New  England.  1 79 

the  affection  which  the  savages  have  for  their  chil- 
dren. As  soon  as  they  are  born,  they  place  them  on 
a  little  piece  of  board  covered  with  cloth  and  a  little 
bear  skin  in  which  they  envelope  them,  and  this  is 
their  cradle.  The  mothers  carry  'them  on  their  back 
in  a  manner  convenient  for  the  children  and  for  them. 
Hardly  do  the  children  begin  to  walk  when  they  are 
trained  to  draw  the  bow.  They  become  so  adroit  in 
this,  that  at  the  age  of  ten  or  twelve  years  they  do 
not  fail  to  kill  the  bird  that  they  shoot  at.  I  have 
been  surprised  at  it,  and  I  should  have  hardly  be- 
lieved it,  if  I  had  not  been  witness  of  it. 

"  That  which  I  most  revolted  at  when  I  began  to 
live  with  the  savages  was  to  find  myself  obliged  to 
take  my  repast  with  them ;  nothing  is  more  disgust- 
ing. After  having  filled  their  pot  with  meat  they 
make  it  boil  at  the  most  three  quarters  of  an  hour, 
after  which  they  take  it  from  the  fire,  serve  it  in  bark 
porringers  and  divide  it  with  all  those  who  are  in  the 
cabin.  Each  one  bites  into  this  meat  as  he  would 
into  a  piece  of  bread.  This  spectacle  did  not  give 
me  much  appetite,  and  they  very  soon  noticed  my 
repugnance.  '  Why  dost  thou  not  eat,'  they  asked. 
I  replied  to  them  that  I  was  not  accustomed  to  eat 
meat  thus,  without  adding  to  it  a  piece  of  bread. 
'  It  is  necessary  to  conquer  thyself,'  they  replied, 


iSo  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

'  is  it  so  difficult  as  to  be  a  patriarch  who  knows  prayer 
perfectly  ?  We  overcome  a  great  deal  to  believe 
that  which  we  cannot  see.'  After  this  there  was  no 
more  to  consider.  It  was  best  to  bring  one's  self  to 
their  manners  and  customs  in  order  to  merit  their 
confidence  and  gain  them  to  Jesus  Christ. 

"  Their  meals  are  not  regular  as  in  Europe,  they  live 
from  hand  to  mouth,  whilst  they  have  somewhat  from 
which  to  make  good  cheer,  they  profit  by  it,  without 
troubling  themselves  about  having  anything  to  live 
on  the  following  days. 

"  They  passionately  love  tobacco  ;  men,  women, 
children  smoke  almost  continually.  To  give  them 
apiece  of  tobacco,  is  to  give  them  more  pleasure  than 
to  give  them  their  weight  in  gold. 

"  In  the  beginning  of  June,  and  when  the  snow  is 
nearly  all  melted,  they  sow  the  skamgar,  this  is  what 
we  call  Turkey  or  Indian  wheat.  Their  style  of  sow- 
ing is  to  make  with  the  fingers  or  with  a  little  stick, 
different  holes  in  the  ground,  and  to  throw  in  each 
eight  or  nine  kernels,  which  they  cover  with  the  same 
earth  which  they  have  withdrawn  to  make  the  hole. 
Their  harvest  takes  place  at  the  end  of  August. 

"  It  is  in  the  midst  of  these  people,  who  pass  for  the 
least  coarse  of  all  our  savages,  that  I  passed  the  ap- 
prenticeship of  a  missionary.  My  principal  occupa- 


in  New  England.  181 

tion  was  the  study  of  their  tongue  :  it  is  very  difficult 
to  learn,  above  all  when  one  has  no  other  mas- 
ters than  savages.  They  have  many  sounds  which 
they  only  utter  from  the  throat,  without  making  any 
movement  of  the  lips ;  ou,  for  example  is  of  this 
number,  and  this  is  why  in  writing  it,  we  make  it  by 
the  figure  8,  to  distinguish  it  from  other  sounds.  I 
passed  a  part  of  a  year  in  their  cabins  and  heard  them 
talk.  It  was  necessary  for  me  to  maintain  extreme 
attention,  to  gather  what  they  said,  and  to  conjecture 
the  signification  of  it.  Sometimes  I  guessed  right, 
more  often  I  deceived  myself,  because  not  very  able 
to  manage  their  guttural  letters.  I  repeated  only 
part  of  the  word,  and  this  made  them  laugh.  At 
last,  after  five  months  of  continual  application,  I 
reached  the  point  of  understanding  all  their  terms, 
but  that  was  not  sufficient  for  me  to  express  myself 
according  to  their  taste.  I  had  still  a  good  way  to  go 
to  catch  the  scope  and  genius  of  their  tongue,  which 
is  altogether  different  from  the  genius  and  scope  of 
our  European  languages.  To  shorten  the  time  and 
to  put  myself  sooner  in  a  state  to  exercise  my  func- 
tions, I  made  choice  of  some  savages  who  had  more 
wit  and  spoke  better.  I  told  them  roughly  some 
articles  of  the  catechism,  and  they  rendered  them  to 
me  in  all  the  delicacy  of  their  language.  I  put  them 


182  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

at  once  on  paper,  and  by  this  means  I  made  myself 
in  a  little  while  a  dictionary  and  a  catechism  which 
contained  the  principles  and  the  mysteries  of  religion. 
"  One  cannot  deny  that  the  language  of  the  savages 
has  true  beauties,  and  I  know  not  what  of  energy,  in 
the  turn  and  manner  in  which  they  express  them- 
selves. I  am  going  to  give  you  an  example  of  it.  If 
I  should  ask  you,  Why  God  has  created  you  ?  You 
would  reply  to  me,  that  it  is  to  know  him,  to  love 
him  and  to  serve  him,  and  by  this  means  to  merit 
eternal  glory.  But  should  I  put  the  same  question 
to  a  savage,  he  would  reply  to  me  thus  in  the  term  of 
his  language ;  The  great  Spirit  has  thought  of  us ; 
let  them  know  me,  let  them  love  me,  let  them  honor 
me,  and  let  them  obey  me  for  then  I  shall  make  them 
enter  into  my  glorious  felicity.  If  I  should  wish  to 
tell  you  in  their  style,  that  you  would  have  much 
difficulty  in  learning  the  savage  tongue,  see  how  it 
would  be  necessary  to  express  myself ;  I  think  of 
you  my  dear  brother,  that  he  will  find  difficulty  in 
learning  the  savage  tongue.  The  language  of  the 
Hurons  is  the  master  language  of  the  savages  ;  and 
when  one  possesses  it  in  less  than  three  months  one 
can  make  himself  understood  by  the  five  Iroquois 
nations.  It  is  the  most  Majestic  and  the  most  diffi- 
cult of  all  the  savage  tongues.  This  difficulty  does 


in  New  England.  183 

not  come  alone  from  their  guttural  character,  but  still 
more  from  the  diversity  of  accents,  because  two 
words  composed  of  the  same  characters  have  sig- 
nifications quite  different.  Father  Chaumont,  who 
has  dwelt  fifty  years  among  the  Hurons,  has  com- 
posed a  grammar  of  it,  which  is  very  useful  to  those 
who  newly  arrive  in  that  mission,  nevertheless  a  mis- 
sionary is  most  happy  when,  with  those  helps,  after 
ten  years  constant  labor,  he  expresses  himself  ele- 
gantly in  this  language. 

"Each  savage  nation  has  its  particular  tongue; 
thus  the  Abnakis,  the  Hurons,  the  Iroquois,  the  Al- 
gonkins,  the  Illinois,  the  Miamis,  etc.,  have  each 
their  language.  They  have  no  books  to  learn  these 
languages,  and,  when  they  shall  have  them,  they  will 
be  useless  enough.  Practice  is  the  only  master 
which  can  instruct  us.  While  I  have  labored  in  four 
different  missions  of  savages,  namely  among  the 
Abnakis,  the  Algonkins,  the  Hurons  and  the  Illi- 
nois, I  have  been  obliged  to  learn  these  different 
languages.  I  am  going  to  give  you  a  specimen,  to 
the  end  that  you  may  know  the  little  relation  which 
there  is  between  them.  I  choose  the  strophe  of  a 
hymn  of  the  Holy  Sacrament,  which  they  ordinarily 
chant  during  the  Mass  at  the  elevation  of  the  sacred 
host  and  which  begins  in  these  words,  O  Salutaris, 


184  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

hostia  ;    Such  is  the  translation  in  verse  of  this  strophe 
in  the  four  languages  of  these  different  nations.1 

En  langue  abnakise. 
Kighist  oui-  nuanuiouinns 
Spem  kik  papili  go  ii  damek 
Nemiani  oui  kouidan  gha  benk 
Taha  saii  grihine. 

En  Ian  langue  algonkine. 

Kouerais  Jesus  teousenam 
Nara  oueul  ka  stisian 
Ka  rio  vllighe  miang 
Vas  mama  vik  umong. 

En  langue  huronne. 

Je  ous  outo  etti  xichie 
Outo  etti  skuaalichi-axe 
J  chierche  axeraouensta 
D'aotierti  xeata-ouien. 

En  langue  illinoise. 
Pekiziane  manet  oue 
Piaro  nile  hi  Nanghi 
Keninama  oui  ouKangha 
Mero  ouinang  ousianghi. 


author  has  substituted  ou  in  place   of  the 
figure  8,  as  given  by  Raid 


in  New  England.  185 

which  signifies  in  French  :  '  O  saving  sacrifice  who 
art  continually  offered,  and  who  givest  life  ;  thou  by 
whom  we  enter  heaven,  we  are  continually  assaulted  ; 
come  strengthen  us.' 

"  It  was  nearly  two  years  that  I  lived  with  the  Ab- 
nakis,  when  I  was  recalled  by  my  superiors ;  they 
destined  me  to  the  mission  of  the  Illinois,  who  had 
lost  their  missionary.  I  went  then  to  Quebec,  where, 
after  having  employed  three  months  in  studying  the 
Algonkin  tongue,  I  embarked  the  i3th.  of  August  in  a 
canoe,  to  go  to  the  Illinois ;  their  country  is  distant 
from  Quebec  more  than  eight  hundred  leagues. 
You  may  well  judge  that  so  long  a  voyage  in  these 
barbarous  lands  cannot  be  made  without  running 
great  risks,  and  without  suffering  great  incon- 
venience. I  had  to  traverse  lakes  of  immense  extent, 
and  where  storms  are  as  frequent  as  on  the  sea.  It 
is  true  that  one  has  the  advantage  of  setting  foot  on 
land  every  night;  but  one  is  fortunate  when  one 
finds  some  flat  rock  where  one  may  pass  the  night. 
When  the  rain  falls,  the  only  means  of  protection  is 
to  place  oneself  beneath  the  turned  over  canoe. 

"One  runs   still  greater   dangers   on    the   rivers, 

principally  in  places  where  they  flow  with  extreme 

rapidity.     Then  the  canoe  flies  like  an  arrow,  and  if 

it  comes  in  contact  with  rocks,  which  one  finds  there 

24 


1 86  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

in  abundance,  it  breaks  into  a  thousand  pieces.  This 
misfortune  happened  to  some  of  those  who  ac- 
companied me  in  other  canoes,  and  it  is  by  a 
singular  protection  of  divine  goodness  that  I  did  not 
suffer  the  same  fate ;  because  my  canoe  struck  sev- 
eral times  against  the  rocks,  without  receiving  the 
least  damage.  In  fine,  one  risks  suffering  from  hun- 
ger that  which  is  most  cruel.  The  length  and  the 
difficulty  of  these  kinds  of  voyages  only  permits 
bringing  with  one  a  sack  of  Indian  corn.  One  would 
suppose  that  the  chase  would  furnish  on  the  route 
something  to  live  upon  ;  but  if  the  game  fails,  one 
finds  oneself  exposed  to  many  days  of  fasting.  Then 
all  the  resource  which  one  has  is  to  search  for  a 
kind  of  leaves,  which  the  savages  call  Kingnessa- 
nach,  and  the  French  tripes  de  roches.1  One  would 
take  them  forCerfeuil,  of  which  they  have  the  shape, 
if  they  were  not  much  larger  ;  they  serve  them  either 
boiled  or  roasted ;  those  which  I  have  eaten  are  not 
so  bad. 

"  I  did  not  suffer  much  from  hunger  as  far  as  the 
lake  of  the  Hurons,  but  it  was  not  the  same  with  the 
companions  of  my  voyage  ;  the  bad  weather  having 

1  Literally  rock  tripe.  A  bitter  and  purgative 
fungus  found  growing  on  rocks,  and  used  extensively 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  far  north  for  food. 


in  New  England.  187 

scattered  their  canoes,  they  could  not  join  me.  I 
arrived  the  first  at  Missilimakinak,  from  whence  I 
sent  them  food,  without  which  they  would  have  died 
of  hunger.  They  had  passed  seven  days  without 
any  nourishment  but  that  of  a  crow,  which  they  had 
killed  rather  by  chance  than  by  skill,  for  they  had 
not  strength  to  support  themselves. 

"The  season  was  too  far  advanced  to  continue  my 
route  as  far  as  to  the  Illinois,  from  whence  I  was  yet 
distant  about  four  hundred  leagues.  Thus  it  was  nec- 
essary for  me  to  remain  at  Missilimakinak,  where 
there  were  two  of  our  missionaries,  one  among  the 
Hurons,  and  the  other  with  the  Outaouacks.  The 
latter  are  very  superstitious  and  much  attached  to 
the  jugleries  of  their  medicine  men.  They  attribute 
to  themselves  an  origin  as  senseless  as  ridiculous. 
They  pretend  to  spring  from  families,  and  each 
family  is  composed  of  five  hundred  persons. 

"  Some  are  of  the  family  of  Michabou,  that  is  to 
say  of  the  great  hare.  They  pretend  that  this  great 
hare  was  a  man  of  prodigious  size,  that  he  could 
spread  nets  in  the  water  at  eighteen  feet  in  depth, 
and  that  the  water  came  hardly  to  his  armpits ;  that 
one  day,  during  the  deluge,  he  sent  the  beaver  to 
discover  the  land  ;  but  as  this  animal  did  not  return 
he  sent  out  the  otter,  who  brought  back  a  little  earth 


1 88  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

covered  with  foam  ;  that  he  repaired  to  the  place  in 
the  lake  where  he  found  this  earth,  which  formed  a 
little  isle;  all  around  which  he  walked  in  the  water, 
and  that  this  island  became  extraordinarily  large. 
This  is  why  is  attributed  to  him  the  creation  of  the 
earth.  They  add  that  after  having  accomplished 
this  work  he  flew  up  to  heaven,  which  is  his  ordinary 
abode,  but  before  quitting  the  earth,  when  his  de- 
scendants came  to  die,  that  they  should  burn  their 
bodies  and  throw  their  ashes  into  the  air,  so  that 
they  should  more  easily  raise  themselves  towards 
heaven ;  that  if  they  should  fail  in  this,  the  snow 
would  cease  to  cover  the  earth,  that  their  lakes  and 
their  rivers  would  remain  frozen,  and  that,  not  being 
able  to  angle  for  fish,  which  is  their  common  food, 
they  would  all  die  in  the  spring. 

"In  fact,  a  few  years  ago,  the  winter  having  con- 
tinued longer  than  ordinary,  there  was  a  general  con- 
sternation among  the  savages  of  the  family  of  the 
great  hare.  They  had  recourse  to  their  accustomed 
jugleries  ;  they  assembled  many  times  in  order  to  ad- 
vise on  the  means  of  dissipating  this  snow  enemy  who 
seemed  obstinate  to  remain  upon  the  earth ;  when 
an  old  woman  approached  them.  '  My  children,' 
said  she,  '  you  have  no  wit,  you  know  the  orders 
that  the  great  hare  has  left  to  burn  the  bodies  of  the 


in  New  England.  189 

dead  and  to  throw  their  ashes  to  the  wind,  to  the 
end  that  they  should  return  more  promptly  to 
heaven,  their  country  ;  and  you  have  neglected  his 
orders  by  leaving  some  days  journey  from  here  a 
dead  man  without  burning,  as  if  he  was  not  of  the 
family  of  the  great  hare.  Repair  forthwith  your 
fault,  take  care  to  burn  him  if  you  wish  that  the 
snow  should  disappear.'  '  You  are  right  our 
mother '  replied  they,  '  thou  hast  more  wit  than  we 
and  the  council  which  thou  givest  us  restores  life  to 
us.'  They  immediately  deputed  twenty-five  men  to 
go  and  burn  this  body.  They  employed  about  fif- 
teen days  in  this  journey.  During  that  time  the 
thaw  came  and  the  snow  melted.  They  loaded  with 
praises  and  presents  the  old  woman  who  had  given 
the  advice;  and  this  event,  quite  natural  as  it  was, 
served  much  to  confirm  them  in  their  folly  and 
superstitious  credulity. 

"  The  second  family  of  the  Outaouacks  pretend 
to  have  sprung  from  the  Namepick,  that  is  to  say 
from  the  carp.  They  say  that  a  carp  having  laid 
his  eggs  upon  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  the 
Sun  having  darted  its  rays  there,  he  formed  a 
woman  from  them  from  whom  they  are  descended. 
Thus  they  call  themselves  of  the  family  of  the 
carp. 


i  go  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

"  The  third  family  of  the  Outaouacks  attributes 
its  origin  to  the  paw  of  the  Machova,  that  is  to  say, 
of  a  bear,  and  they  call  themselves  of  the  family  of 
the  bear,  but  without  explaining  in  what  manner 
they  are  sprung  from  it.  When  they  kill  any  of 
these  animals  they  make  a  feast  to  him  of  his  own 
flesh ;  they  speak  to  him,  they  harangue  him ;  '  do 
not  have  any  design  against  us,'  they  say  to  him, 
'  because  we  have  killed  thee ;  thou  hast  wit,  thou 
seest  that  our  children  suffer  for  hunger,  they  wish 
to  make  thee  enter  into  their  bodies,  is  it  not  glori- 
ous for  thee  to  be  eaten  by  the  children  of  the 
chief  ? ' 

"  It  is  only  the  family  of  the  great  hare  which 
burns  dead  bodies,  the  two  others  bury  them.  When 
any  chief  dies  they  prepare  a  vast  coffin,  where,  af- 
ter having  laid  the  body  clothed  in  its  finest  gar- 
ments, they  enclose  with  him  his  blanket,  his  gun, 
his  supply  of  powder  and  lead,  his  bow,  his  arrows, 
his  kettle,  his  platter,  some  provisions,  his  toma- 
hawk, his  pipe,  his  box  of  vermillion,  his  mirror, 
some  collars  of  beads,  and  all  the  presents  which 
were  made  at  his  death  according  to  usage.  They 
imagine  that  with  this  outfit  he  will  make  his  jour- 
ney more  happily  to  the  other  world,  and  will  be 
better  received  by  the  great  chiefs  of  the  nation, 


in  New  England.  191 

who  will  conduct  him  with  them  into  a  place  of 
delights. 

"  While  all  is  being  adjusted  in  the  coffin  the  rela- 
tives of  the  dead  assist  at  the  ceremony  by  mourn- 
ing after  their  fashion,  that  is  to  say,  by  chanting  in 
a  lugubrious  tone  and  beating  time  with  a  stick  to 
which  they  have  attached  many  rattles. 

"  Where  the  superstition  of  these  people  appears 
the  most  extravagant  is  in  the  worship  that  they 
render  to  that  which  they  call  their  manitou.  As  they 
scarcely  know  anything  but  the  beasts  with  which 
they  live  in  the  forests,  they  imagine  within  these 
beasts,  or  within  their  skin,  or  within  their  plumage, 
a  kind  of  spirit  which  governs  all  things,  and  which 
is  the  master  of  life  and  death.  There  are,  accord- 
ing to  them  manitous  common  to  all  the  nation,  and 
there  are  particular  ones  for  each  person.  Oussa- 
kita,  say  they,  is  the  great  manitou  of  all  the  beasts 
which  walk  upon  the  earth,  or  which  fly  in  the  air. 
It  is  he  who  governs  them ;  thus  when  they  go  to 
chase,  they  offer  him  tobacco,  powder,  lead,  and 
skins  well  dressed,  which  they  attach  to  the  end  of  a 
pole,  and  elevate  it  in  the  air.  '  Oussakita}  they  say 
to  him,  'we  give  thee  to  smoke,  we  offer  thee  of  that 
to  kill  the  game,  deign  to  accept  these  presents,  do 
not  permit  that  they  should  escape  our  arrows,  let 


192  Tke  Pioneers  of  New  France 

us  kill  a  great  number  of  the  fattest  of  them,  so  that 
our  children  shall  neither  fail  of  clothing,  nor  of 
nourishment. 

"  They  call  Michibichi  the  manitou  of  the  waters 
and  of  the  fish,  and  they  make  a  sacrifice  to  him 
nearly  similiar  when  they  go  to  fish  or  when  they 
undertake  a  journey.  This  sacrifice  consists  of 
throwing  into  the  water  some  tobacco,  food,  kettles, 
and  asking  him  that  the  waters  of  the  river  should 
flow  more  slowly,  that  the  rocks  should  not  break 
their  canoes,  and  that  he  accord  to  them  fish  in  abun- 
dance. 

"  Besides  these  common  manitous,  each  has  his  own 
particular  one,  which  is  a  bear,  or  a  beaver,  or  a 
bustard,  or  some  similar  beast.  They  carry  the  skin 
of  this  animal  to  the  war,  to  the  chase,  and  on  their 
journeys,  persuading  themselves  that  they  preserve 
them  from  all  danger  and  that  they  will  make  them 
successful  in  their  undertakings. 

"When  a  savage  wishes  to  get  a  manitou,  the  first 
animal  which  presents  itself  to  his  imagination  dur- 
ing his  sleep  is  commonly  the  one  upon  which  his 
choice  falls.  He  kills  a  beast  of  this  kind  ;  he  puts 
his  skin,  or  his  plumage,  if  it  is  a  bird  in  the  most 
honorable  place  in  his  cabin  ;  he  prepares  a  feast  in 
his  honor,  during  which  he  makes  to  him  his  ha- 


in  New  England.  193 

rangue  in  terms  the  most  respectful,  after  which  he  is 
known  as  his  manitou. 

"As  soon  as  I  saw  the  spring  arrive,  I  left  Missili- 
makinak  to  go  to  the  Illinois.  I  found  on  my  route 
many  savage  nations,  among  others  Maskoutings, 
Jakis,  Omikoues,  Iripegouans,  Outagamis,  etc.  All 
these  nations  have  their  peculiar  language  but  for 
all  the  rest  they  differ  in  nothing  from  the  Outaou- 
acks.  A  missionary  who  dwells  at  the  bay  of  the 
Puants,  makes  from  time  to  time  excursions  among 
these  savages  to  instruct  them  in  the  truths  of  re- 
ligion. 

"  After  forty  days  walking,  I  entered  the  river  of 
the  Illinois,  and  having  advanced  fifty  leagues  I  ar- 
rived at  the  first  village,  which  was  of  three  hundred 
cabins,  all  of  four  or  five  fires.  One  fire  is  always 
for  two  families.  They  have  twelve  villages  of  their 
nation.  On  the  morrow  after  my  arrival  I  was  in- 
vited by  the  principal  chief  to  a  grand  repast,  which 
he  gave  to  the  more  considerable  persons.  He  had 
caused  to  be  killed  for  this  a  number  of  dogs  ;  such 
a  banquet  passes  among  the  savages  for  a  magnificent 
feast ;  it  is  why  they  call  it  the  feast  of  the  chief. 
The  ceremonies  which  they  observe  are  the  same 
among  all  the  nations.  It  is  common  in  these  sorts 
of  festivals  that  the  savages  deliberate  upon  their 
25 


194  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

most  important  affairs,  as,  for  example,  when  it  is 
agitated,  either  to  undertake  war  against  their  neigh- 
bors, or  to  terminate  it  by  a  proposition  of  peace. 

"  When  all  the  guests  have  arrived,  they  range 
themselves  all  around  the  cabin,  seating  themselves 
either  on  the  bare  earth,  or  on  mats.  Then  the  chief 
arises  and  begins  his  harangue.  I  avow  to  you  that 
I  admired  his  flow  of  words,  the  justice  and  the  force 
of  reasons  which  he  displayed,  the  eloquent  turn  that 
he  gave  them,  the  choice  and  delicacy  of  the  ex- 
pressions, with  which  he  adorned  his  discourse.  I 
am  persuaded  that  if  I  could  put  in  writing  what  this 
savage  said  to  us  on  that  moment  and  without  pre- 
paration, it  would  convince  you  without  difficulty 
that  the  most  able  European,  after  much  meditation 
and  study,  could  scarcely  compose  a  discourse  more 
solid  and  better  termed. 

"Their  harangue  finished,  two  savages  who  per- 
formed the  function  of  carvers,  distributed  the  plates 
to  all  the  assembly,  and  each  plate  was  for  two  guests, 
they  ate  conversing  together  of  indifferent  things  ; 
and  when  the  repast  was  finished,  they  retired,  carry- 
ing, according  to  their  custom,  that  which  they  had 
remaining  in  their  plates. 

"The  Illinois  do  not  give  those  feasts  which  are 
customary  with  many  other  savage  nations,  where 


in  New  England.  195 

one  is  obliged  to  eat  all  that  has  been  served  to  him, 
should  one  burst  by  it.  When  it  happens  that  any 
one  has  not  the  power  to  observe  this  ridiculous 
rule,  he  addresses  himself  to  some  one  of  the  guests, 
whom  he  knows  to  be  of  a  better  appetite ;  '  My 
brother,'  says  he  to  him,  '  have  pity  on  me,  I  am 
dead  if  thou  dost  not  give  me  life,  eat  that  which  re- 
mains to  me,  I  will  make  thee  a  present  of  some- 
thing.' It  is  the  only  means  to  escape  from  embar- 
rassment. 

"  The  Illinois  only  cover  themselves  about  the 
waist,  and  as  to  the  rest,  they  go  all  naked ;  differ- 
ent compartments  of  all  sorts  of  figures,  which  they 
engrave  on  the  body  in  a  way  which  is  ineffaceable, 
hold  for  them  the  place  of  garments.  It  is  only  in 
the  visits  which  they  make  or  when  they  assist  at 
church,  that  they  wrap  about  them  a  covering  of 
dressed  skin  during  the  summer,  and  during  the 
winter,  of  a  skin,  with  the  hair  on,  which  they  leave 
to  retain  more  warmth.  They  adorn  the  head  with 
feathers,  of  different  colors,  with  which  they  make 
garlands  and  crowns,  which  they  adjust  quite  prop- 
erly ;  they  take  care  to  paint  the  face  with  different 
colors,  but  above  all  with  vermillion  ;  they  wear  col- 
lars, and  pendants  from  the  ears  made  of  different 
stones  which  they  cut  in  the  form  of  precious  stones  ; 


196  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

some  are  blue,  red  and  white  like  alabaster,  to  which 
it  is  necessary  to  add  a  plate  of  porcelain  which  fin- 
ishes the  collar.  The  Illinois  persuade  themselves 
that  these  fantastic  ornaments  give  them  grace  and 
attract  respect. 

"  When  the  Illinois  are  not  occupied  in  war  or  in 
the  chase,  the  time  is  passed  either  in  sport,  or  in 
feasts,  or  in  the  dance.  They  have  two  sorts  of 
dances ;  some  which  are  used  in  token  of  rejoicing, 
and  to  which  they  invite  the  most  distinguished 
women  and  girls ;  the  others  are  used  to  mark  their 
grief,  the  death  of  the  more  important  of  their  na- 
tions. It  is  by  these  dances,  that  they  pretend  to 
honor  the  deceased,  and  to  dry  the  tears  of  their 
relatives.  All  have  the  right  to  mourn  in  this  way 
the  death  of  their  relations,  providing  they  make 
presents  for  this  purpose.  The  dances  last  more  or 
less  time,  in  proportion  to  the  price  and  value  of 
the  presents  and  they  immediately  distribute  them 
to  the  dancers,  their  custom  is  not  to  bury  the  dead  ; 
they  wrap  them  in  skins  and  attach  them  by  the 
head  and  feet  to  the  tops  of  trees.  Excepting  their 
times  of  sports,  of  feasts  and  dances,  the  men  re- 
main quietly  on  their  mats,  and  pass  their  time  in 
sleeping,  or  in  making  bows,  arrows,  pipes,  and  other 
things  of  this  nature.  As  for  the  women,  they  work 


in  Nezv  England.  197 

from  morning  till  night  like  slaves.  It  is  for  them 
to  cultivate  the  land,  and  to  sow  the  corn  during  the 
summer  ;  and  from  the  beginning  of  winter  they  are 
occupied  in  making  mats,  in  dressing  skins,  and  in 
many  other  kinds  of  work ;  because  their  first  care 
is  to  provide  the  cabin  with  all  that  is  necessary 
therein. 

"  Of  all  the  nations  of  Canada,  there  are  none 
who  live  in  so  great  abundance  of  all  things  as  the 
Illinois.  Their  rivers  are  covered  with  swans,  with 
bustards,  with  ducks,  and  with  teals.  Hardly  can 
one  go  a  league,  but  he  finds  a  prodigious  multitude 
of  turkeys,  which  go  in  flocks,  sometimes  to  the  num- 
ber of  two  hundred.  They  are  bigger  than  those 
which  one  sees  in  France.  I  had  the  curiosity  to 
weigh  some  which  were  of  the  weight  of  thirty 
pounds.  They  have  at  the  neck  a  kind  of  wattle  of 
hair  a  half  a  foot  in  length.  The  bears  and  the 
stags  are  there  in  very  great  quantity ;  one  also  sees 
there  an  infinite  number  of  buffaloes  and  deers; 
there  is  not  a  year  that  they  do  not  kill  thousands  of 
deers,  and  more  'than  two  thousands  of  buffaloes  ; 
one  sees  on  the  prairies  till  lost  to  view  from  four  to 
five  thousand  buffaloes  which  feed  there.  They 
have  a  hump  on  the  back,  and  a  head  extremely 
large.  Their  hair,  except  that  on  the  head,  is  curled 


198  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

and  soft  as  wool,  their  flesh  is  naturally  salt,  and  is 
so  light,  that  although  one  eats  it  quite  raw,  it  does 
not  cause  indigestion.  When  they  have  killed  a 
buffalo,  which  appears  to  them  too  lean,  they  are 
contented  to  take  the  tongue,  and  go  to  seek  one 
fatter. 

"  Arrows  are  the  principal  arms  which  serve  them, 
in  war  and  in  the  chase.  These  arrows  are  armed  at 
the  end  with  a  cut  stone  and  sharpened  in  the  form 
of  a  serpent's  tongue  ;  lacking  a  knife  they  serve 
them  also  to  skin  the  animals  which  they  kill.  They 
are  so  adroit  in  drawing  the  bow,  that  they  hardly 
ever  miss  their  stroke,  and  they  do  it  with  so  much 
swiftness  that  they  will  have  sooner  discharged  a 
hundred  arrows  than  another  will  have  charged  his 
gun.  They  put  themselves  to  little  trouble  in  work- 
ing with  the  proper  nets  to  fish  in  the  rivers,  because 
the  abundance  of  animals  of  all  sorts  which  they  find 
for  their  subsistence,  renders  them  quite  indifferent 
to  fish.  However,  when  they  take  a  fancy  to  have 
them,  they  embark  in  a  canoe  with  their  bows  and 
their  arrows,  standing  upright  the  better  to  dis- 
cover the  fish,  and  as  soon  as  they  have  perceived 
him,  they  pierce  him  with  an  arrow. 

"  The  only  means  among  the  Illinois  to  public  es- 
teem and  veneration  is,  as  with  other  savages,  to  make 


in  New  England.  199 

the  reputation  of  a  skilful  hunter,  and  yet  more  of  a 
good  warrior;  it  is  principally  of  that  which  they 
make  their  merit  consist,  and  it  is  that  which  they 
call  to  be  truly  a  man.  They  are  so  passionate  for 
this  glory  that  they  will  undertake  journeys  of  four 
hundred  leagues,  in  the  midst  of  forests,  to  make  a 
slave,  or  to  take  the  scalp  from  a  man  whom  they 
have  killed.  They  count  for  nothing  the  fatigues 
and  the  long  fasts  which  they  have  to  sustain,  above 
all  when  they  approach  the  enemy's  land ;  because 
then  they  no  longer  dare  to  hunt,  from  fear  that  the 
beasts,  being  only  wounded  may  fly  with  the  arrow 
in  the  body,  and  warn  their  enemy  to  put  himself  in 
state  of  defense,  because  their  manner  of  making 
war,  the  same  as  among  all  savages,  is  to  surprise 
their  enemies ;  this  is  why  they  send  out  scouts,  to 
observe  their  number  and  their  march,  or  to  note 
if  they  are  on  their  guard.  According  to  the  report 
which  is  made  them,  they  either  put  themselves  in 
ambush,  or  make  an  irruption  into  their  cabins,  toma- 
hawk in  hand,  and  they  do  not  fail  to  kill  some  of 
them  before  they  had  dreamed  to  defend  themselves. 
"  The  tomahawk  is  made  of  a  stag's  horn,  or  of 
wood  in  the  shape  of  a  cutlass,  terminated  by  a  large 
ball.  They  hold  the  tomahawk  in  one  hand  and  the 
knife  in  the  other.  As  soon  as  they  have  dealt  their 


2oo  7^he  Pioneers  of  New  France 

blow  on  the  head  of  their  enemy  they  encircle  it  with 
their  knife,  and  remove  the  scalp  with  a  surprising 
rapidity. 

"When  the  savage  returns  to  his  country  laden 
with  many  scalps  he  is  received  with  great  honors ; 
but  it  is  for  him  the  height  of  glory  when  he  makes 
prisoners,  and  brings  them  alive.  As  soon  as  he  ar- 
rives all  the  people  of  the  village  assemble  and  range 
themselves  in  a  line  on  the  road  where  the  prisoners 
should  pass.  This  reception  is  very  cruel ;  some  tear 
out  their  nails,  others  cut  off  their  fingers  or  ears ; 
while  others  deal  them  blows  with  clubs. 

"  After  this  first  reception,  the  old  men  assemble 
to  deliberate  if  they  shall  accord  life  to  their  prisoners 
or  if  they  shall  put  them  to  death.  When  there  is 
some  dead  person  to  revive,  that  is  to  say,  if  some 
one  of  their  warriors  has  been  killed,  and  whom  they 
judge  should  be  replaced  in  his  cabin,  they  give  to 
this  cabin  one  of  their  prisoners,  who  holds  the  place 
of  the  deceased  and  this  is  what  they  call  reviving 
the  dead. 

"  When  the  prisoner  is  condemned  to  death,  they 
plant  immediately  in  the  earth  a  great  post,  to  which 
they  attach  him  by  both  hands ;  they  make  him  sing 
the  song  of  death,  and  all  the  savages  being  seated 
around  the  post,  they  kindle  a  few  steps  from  it  a 


in  New  England.  201 

great  fire,  where  they  heat  hatchets,  gun  barrels,  and 
other  irons.  Then  they  come  one  after  the  other, 
and  apply  them  all  red  upon  different  parts  of  the 
body,  there  are  those  who  burn  him  with  fire  brands  ; 
some  who  gash  his  body  with  their  knives;  others 
who  cut  off  a  piece  of  flesh  already  roasted,  and  eat 
it  in  his  presence  ;  one  may  be  seen  filling  his  wounds 
with  powder,  and  rubbing  it  all  over  his  body,  after 
which  they  set  it  on  fire.  In  fine  each  torments  him 
according  to  his  caprice,  and  that  during  four  or  five 
hours,  sometimes  even  during  two  or  three  days. 
The  more  shrill  and  piercing  the  cries  which  the  vio- 
lence of  these  torments  make  him  utter,  the  more 
agreeable  and  diverting  is  the  spectacle  to  these  bar- 
barians. It  was  the  Iroquois  who  invented  this 
frightful  kind  of  death,  and  it  is  only  by  way  of  re- 
taliation that  the  Illinois,  in  their  turn,  treat  their 
Iroquois  prisoners  with  an  equal  cruelty. 

"That  which  we  understand  by  the  word  Chris- 
tianity, is  known  only  among  all  the  savages  by  the 
name  of  prayer.  Thus,  when,  I  shall  say  to  you  in 
the  remainder  of  this  letter,  that  such  a  savage  nation 
has  embraced  prayer,  it  is  saying,  that  it  has  become 
Christian,  or  that  it  is  disposed  to  be  so.  One  would 
have  had  less  trouble  in  converting  the  Illinois,  if  the 
prayer  had  permitted  polygamy  among  them.  They 
26 


202  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

avow  that  prayer  is  good,  and  they  are  pleased  when 
it  is  talked  to  their  women  and  children ;  but  when 
one  speaks  of  it  to  themselves;  one  finds  how  diffi- 
cult it  is  to  fix  their  natural  inconstancy  and  to  per- 
suade them  to  have  but  one  wife  and  to  have  her 
always. 

"At  the  hour  when  they  assemble,  morning  and 
evening,  for  prayer,  all  repair  to  the  chapel.  There  are 
none  even  among  their  greatest  medicine  men,  that 
is  to  say,  among  the  greatest  enemies  of  religion,  who 
do  not  send  their  children  to  be  instructed  and  bap- 
tized. Here  is  the  greatest  fruit  which  one  finds  at 
first  among  the  savages,  and  of  which  one  is  the  most 
certain  ;  because  among  the  great  number  of  infants, 
not  a  year  passes  but  many  die  before  they  reach  the 
age  of  reason  j1  and  among  the  adults,  the  most  part 
is  so  fervent  and  so  attached  to  prayer,  that  they 
would  suffer  the  most  cruel  death  rather  than  aban- 
don it. 

"  It  is  a  blessing  for  the  Illinois  to  be  far  removed 
from  Quebec,  because  they  cannot  carry  to  them  the 
fire-water  as  they  do  others.  This  drink  is  among  the 
savages  the  greatest  obstacle  to  Christianity  and  the 
source  of  an  infinite  number  of  the  most  shocking 

1  The  idea  here  is,  that  those  dying  before  the  age 
of  reason  were  saved  if  they  had  received  baptism. 


in  Neiv  England.  203 

crimes.  We  know  that  they  only  purchase  it  in  or- 
der to  plunge  themselves  into  the  most  furious  in- 
toxication ;  the  disorders  and  the  sad  deaths  of  which 
one  is  witness  every  day  should  much  overbalance  the 
gain  which  one  can  make  by  traffic  in  so  fatal  a  liquor. 

"  It  was  two  years  that  I  abode  with  the  Illinois, 
when  I  was  recalled  to  consecrate  the  rest  of  my  days 
to  the  Abnaki  nation.  It  was  the  first  mission  to 
which  I  had  been  destined  at  my  arrival  in  Canada, 
and  it  is  that  apparently,  where  I  shall  finish  my  life. 
It  was  necessary  then  for  me  to  return  to  Quebec, 
to  go  from  there  to  rejoin  my  dear  savages.  I  have 
already  described  to  you  the  length  and  difficulties 
of  this  journey ;  therefore,  I  will  speak  to  you  only 
of  a  very  consoling  adventure  to  me  four  leagues 
from  Quebec. 

"  I  found  myself  in  a  kind  of  village,  where  there 
are  twenty  five  French  houses,  and  a  cure,  who  had 
care  of  it.  Near  this  village  appeared  a  cabin  of 
savages,  where  was  found  a  girl  of  the  age  of  six- 
teen years,  whom  a  sickness  of  many  years  had  re- 
duced to  extremity.  M.  the  cure,  who  did  not  un- 
derstand the  language  of  these  savages,  prayed  me 
to  go  to  confess  the  sick  girl,  and  conducted  me 
himself  to  her  cabin.  In  the  conversation  which  I 
had  with  this  young  girl,  on  the  truths  of  religion,  I 


204  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

learned  that  she  had  been  very  well  instructed  by 
one  of  our  missionaries,  but  that  she  had  not  yet  re- 
ceived baptism.  After  having  passed  two  days  to 
put  to  her  all  the  questions  proper,  to  assure  myself 
of  her  disposition ;  '  Do  not  refuse  me,  I  conjure 
thee,'  said  she  to  me,  '  the  grace  of  the  baptism  that 
I  demand  of  thee  ;  thou  seest  how  much  my  breast 
is  oppressed  and  that  but  little  time  remains  to  me 
to  live;  how  unfortunate  it  would  be  to  me;  and 
what  reproaches  wouldest  thou  not  have  to  make  to 
thyself,  if  I  should  die  without  receiving  this  grace  ?' 
I  replied  to  her  that  she  should  prepare  for  it  on 
the  next  day,  and  retired.  The  joy  which  my  reply 
caused  her,  worked  in  her  a  change  so  immediate 
that  she  was  in  a  state  to  repair  early  in  the  morn- 
ing to  chapel.  I  was  extremely  surprised  at  her  ar- 
rival and  immediately  I  solemnly  administered  bap- 
tism to  her.  After  which  she  returned  to  her  cabin 
where  she  ceased  not  to  thank  the  divine  mercy  for 
so  great  a  blessing ;  and  to  sigh  for  the  happy  mo- 
ment which  should  unite  her  to  God  for  all  eternity. 
Her  desires  were  granted,  and  I  had  the  happiness 
to  assist  at  her  death.  What  a  stroke  of  providence 
for  this  poor  girl,  and  what  consolation  for  me  to 
have  been  the  instrument  which  God  had  well 
wished  to  use  to  place  her  in  heaven. 


in  New  England.  205 

"  You  do  not  require  from  me,  My  dear  brother, 
that  I  should  enter  into  the  detail  of  all  that  which 
has  happened  to  me  during  the  many  years  that  I 
am  in  this  mission  ;  my  occupations  are  always  the 
same,  and  I  should  expose  myself  to  wearisome  repe- 
titions. I  will  content  myself  by  reporting  to  you 
certain  facts,  which  appear  to  me  the  most  to  merit 
your  attention. 

"  I  can  tell  you  in  general  that  you  would  find  it 
difficult  to  restrain  your  tears  if  you  found  yourself 
in  my  church  with  our  assembled  savages,  and  if  you 
should  be  witness  of  the  piety  with  which  they  recite 
their  prayers,  chant  the  divine  offices  and  participate 
in  the  sacraments  of  penance  and  the  eucharist. 
When  they  have  been  illumined  with  the  lights  of 
faith,  and  when  they  have  sincerely  embraced  it 
they  are  not  the  same  men,  and  the  most  part  pre- 
serve the  innocence  which  they  have  received  from 
baptism.  It  is  this  which  fills  me  with  the  sweetest 
joy,  when  I  hear  their  confessions,  which  are  fre- 
quent ;  whatever  the  questions  which  I  put  to  them, 
I  can  often  hardly  find  matter  to  absolve  them  from. 

"  My  occupations  with  them  are  continual.  As 
they  only  expect  help  from  their  missionary  and  as 
they  have  in  him  complete  confidence,  it  does  not 
suffice  me  to  fulfill  the  spiritual  functions  of  my 


206  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

ministry  for  the  sanctification  of  their  souls,  it  is 
still  necessary  that  I  enter  into  their  temporal 
affairs  that  I  may  always  be  ready  to  comfort  them, 
when  they  come  to  consult  me,  and  that  I  should 
decide  their  little  differences,  that  I  should  take  care 
of  them  when  they  are  sick,  that  I  should  bleed 
them,  that  I  should  give  them  medicines,  etc.  My 
days  are  sometimes  so  full,  that  I  am  obliged  to  shut 
myself  up  in  order  to  find  time  to  devote  to  prayer, 
and  to  recite  my  office. 

"The  zealous  spirit  with  which  God  has  filled  me 
for  the  welfare  of  my  savages  was  much  alarmed  in 
the  year  1697,  when  I  learned  that  a  nation  of  Ama- 
lingan  savages  were  coming  to  establish  themselves 
a  day's  journey  from  my  village.  I  had  ground  to 
fear  that  the  jugleries  of  their  medicine  men,  that  is 
the  sacrifices  which  they  make  to  the  demon  and  the 
disorders  which  ordinarily  follow,  might  make  an  im- 
pression upon  some  of  my  young  neophytes  ;  but 
thanks  to  the  divine  mercy,  my  fears  were  very  soon 
dissipated  by  what  I  am  going  to  tell  you. 

"  One  of  our  captains,  celebrated  for  his  valor,  hav- 
ing been  killed  by  the  English,  from  whom  we  are 
not  distant,  the  Amalingans  sent  several  of  their  na- 
tion into  our  village,  to  dry  the  tears  of  the  relatives 
of  this  illustrious  deceased,  that  is  to  say,  as  I  have 


in  New  England.  207 

already  explained  to  you,  to  visit  them,  to  make  pres- 
ents to  them,  and  to  testify  to  them  by  their  dances 
the  part  which  they  take  in  their  affliction.  They 
arrived  on  the  eve  of  Corpus  Christi.  I  was  then 
occupied  in  hearing  the  confessions  of  my  savages, 
which  continued  all  that  day,  the  night  following, 
and  the  next  day  until  noon,  when  began  the  proces- 
sion of  the  Consecrated  Host.  It  was  done  with 
much  order  and  piety,  and,  even  in  the  midst  of  these 
forests,  with  more  pomp  and  magnificence  than  you 
yourself  could  imagine.  This  spectacle,  which  was 
new  for  the  Amalingans,  attracted  them,  and  struck 
them  with  admiration.  I  thought  it  my  duty  to 
profit  by  the  favorable  disposition  in  which  they  were, 
and  after,  having  assembled  them,  I  made  them  the 
following  discourse  in  savage  style.  'It  is  a  long 
time,  my  children  that  I  have  wished  to  see  you  ; 
now  that  I  have  this  happiness,  it  wants  but  little 
that  my  heart  should  burst.  Think  of  the  joy  that 
a  father  has  who  tenderly  loves  his  children,  when 
he  again  sees  them  after  a  long  absence  in  which 
they  have  run  the  greatest  dangers,  and  you  will  con- 
ceive a  portion  of  mine ;  because  although  you  pray 
not  yet,  I  cease  not  to  regard  you  as  my  children, 
and  to  have  for  you  a  father's  tenderness,  because 
the  children  of  the  great  Spirit,  who  has  given  you 


208  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

being  as  well  as  those  who  pray,  who  has  made 
heaven  for  you  as  well  as  for  them,  who  thinks  of  you 
as  he  thinks  of  them  and  me,  that  they  may  rejoice 
in  eternal  happiness.  That  which  gives  me  pain,  and 
lessens  the  joy  that  I  have  in  seeing  you  is  the  re- 
flection which  I  actually  make,  that  one  day  I  shall 
be  separated  from  one  part  of  my  children,  whose  lot 
will  be  eternally  unhappy,  because  they  do  not  pray  ; 
while  the  others  who  pray  will  be  in  the  joy  which 
never  ends.  When  I  think  of  this  sad  separation  can 
I  have  a  contented  heart  ?  The  happiness  of  some 
does  not  give  me  so  much  joy,  as  the  unhappiness  of 
others  afflicts  me.  If  you  had  insurmountable  ob- 
stacles to  prayer,  and  if  abiding  in  the  state  where 
you  are  I  could  make  you  enter  into  heaven  I  would 
spare  nothing  to  secure  you  this  happiness,  I  would 
push  you  in,  I  would  make  you  all  enter  there,  so 
much  I  love  you,  and  so  much  I  desire  that  you 
should  be  happy  ;  but  it  is  this  which  is  not  possible. 
It  is  necessary  to  pray,  it  is  necessary  to  be  baptized, 
in  order  to  enter  into  this  place  of  delights.' 

"After  this  preamble,  I  explained  to  them  at  great 
length  the  principal  articles  of  the  faith,  and  I  con- 
tinued thus : 

"  '  All  the  words  which  I  come  to  explain  to  you 
are  not  human  words  ;  they  are  the  words  of  the 


in  New  England.  209 

great  Spirit ;  they  are  not  written  like  the  words  of 
a  man  upon  a  collar,  which  they  make  to  tell  all  that 
they  wish ;  but  they  are  written  in  the  book  of  the 
great  Spirit,  where  a  lie  cannot  have  access.' 

"  To  make  you  understand  this  savage  expression, 
it  is  necessary  to  remark,  my  dear  brother,  that  the 
custom  of  these  people  when  they  write  to  any  na- 
tion, is  to  send  a  collar,  or  a  large  belt,  on  which  they 
make  different  figures  with  porcelain  beads  of  differ- 
ent colors.  They  instruct  him  who  carries  the  collar, 
telling  him,  this  is  what  the  collar  says  to  such  a  na- 
tion, to  such  a  person,  and  they  send  him  forth. 
Our  savages  would  have  trouble  in  understanding 
what  was  said  to  them,  and  would  be  but  little  atten- 
tive if  one  did  not  conform  himself  to  their  manner 
of  thought  and  expression  ;  I  continued  thus  : 

'* '  Courage,  my  children,  hear  the  voice  of  the  great 
Spirit  who  speaks  to  you  by  my  mouth,  he  loves  you  ; 
and  his  love  for  you  is  so  great,  that  he  has  given 
his  life  to  procure  for  you  an  eternal  life.  Alas ! 
perhaps  he  has  only  permitted  the  death  of  one  of 
our  captains  in  order  to  draw  you  to  the  place  of 
prayer,  and  make  you  hear  his  voice.  Reflect  that 
you  are  not  immortal.  A  clay  will  come  when  they 
will  likewise  wipe  away  the  tears  for  your  death  ; 
what  will  serve  you  to  have  been  in  this  life  great 
27 


2io  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

captains,  if,  after  your  death,  you  are  cast  into  eternal 
flames?  He,  for  whom  you  come  to  mourn  with  us 
is  happy  to  have  listened  a  thousand  times  to  the 
voice  of  the  great  Spirit  and  to  have  been  faithful  to 
the  prayer.  Pray  like  him,  and  you  shall  live  eter- 
nally. Courage,  my  children,  we  will  not  separate 
that  some  should  go  to  one  side,  and  others  to 
another ;  let  us  all  go  to  heaven,  it  is  our  country,  it 
is  that  to  which  the  sole  master  of  life  calls  you  of 
whom  I  am  only  the  interpreter ;  think  of  it  seriously.' 
"  As  soon  as  I  had  done  speaking,  they  conversed 
together  some  time,  afterwards  their  orator  made 
me  this  reply  on  their  part ;  '  My  Father,  I  am  glad 
to  listen  to  thee.  Thy  voice  has  penetrated  even 
into  my  heart,  but  my  heart  is  yet  closed,  and  I  can- 
not open  it  at  present,  to  make  you  know  what  is 
there,  or  on  what  side  it  will  turn  ;  it  is  necessary 
that  I  should  wait  a  number  of  chiefs  and  other  con- 
siderable people  of  our  nation  who  will  arrive  the 

next  autumn,  it  is  then  that  I  will   disclose   to  thee 

f 

my  heart.     Behold,   My  dear  father,  all   that  I  have 
to  say  to  thee  at  present. 

"'My  heart  is  content,'  replied  I  to  him  ;  'I  am 
very  glad  that  my  word  has  given  you  pleasure,  and 
that  you  demand  time  to  think  of  it ;  you  will  only 
be  more  firm  in  your  attachment  to  the  prayer  when 


in  New  England.  2 1 1 

you  shall  have  once  embraced  it.  In  the  meantime 
I  shall  not  have  ceased  to  address  myself  to  the  great 
Spirit,  and  to  ask  of  him  that  he  should  regard  you 
with  eyes  of  pity,  and  that  he  should  strengthen  your 
thoughts  to  the  end  that  they  should  be  turned  to 
the  side  of  prayer.'  After  which  I  quitted  their  as- 
sembly and  they  returned  to  their  village. 

"  When  autumn  had  come,  I  learned  that  one  of 
our  savages  would  go  to  the  Amalingans  to  seek 
corn  to  sow  their  lands.  I  made  him  come  to  me 
and  charged  him  to  say  to  them  on  my  part  that  I 
was  impatient  to  see  my  children  again,  that  I  had 
them  always  present  in  mind,  and  that  I  prayed  them 
to  remember  the  word  that  they  had  given  me.  The 
savage  acquitted  himself  faithfully  of  his  commission, 
and  this  is  the  response  that  the  Amalingans  made 
him. 

"  '  We  are  much  obliged  to  our  father  for  thinking 
of  us  without  ceasing.  On  our  side,  we  have  thought 
much  on  that  which  he  has  said  to  us.  We  cannot 
forget  his  words,  while  we  have  a  heart  because  they 
have  been  so  deeply  graven  there,  that  nothing  can 
efface  them.  We  are  persuaded  that  he  loves  us, 
we  wish  to  listen  to  him,  and  to  obey  him  in  that 
which  he  desires  of  us.  We  accept  the  prayer  which 
he  proposes  to  us  and  we  see  nothing  in  it  but  what 


212  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

is  good  and  laudable  ;  we  are  resolved  to  embrace  it, 
and  we  should  already  have  gone  to  find  our  father 
in  his  village,  if  there  had  been  sufficient  provisions 
for  our  subsistence  during  the  time  that  he  should 
devote  to  our  instruction  ;  but  how  can  we  find  it 
there?  We  know  that  hunger  is  in  the  cabin  of  our 
father,  and  it  is  this  which  doubly  afflicts  us,  that  our 
father  should  be  hungry  and  that  we  should  not  be 
able  to  see  him  that  he  may  instruct  us.  If  our 
father  could  come  here  to  pass  some  time  with  us 
he  would  live  and  would  instruct  us.  This  is  what 
you  shall  say  to  our  father.  This  answer  of  the 
Amalingans  was  returned  at  a  favorable  juncture ; 
the  greater  part  of  my  savages  had  been  gone  for 
some  days  to  seek  wherewith  to  live  upon  until  the 
gathering  in  of  corn ;  their  absence  gave  me  leisure 
to  visit  the  Amalingans,  and  on  the  next  day  I  em- 
barked in  a  canoe  to  repair  to  their  village.  I  was 
no  more  than  a  league  distant,  when  they  perceived 
me;  and  immediately  they  saluted  me  with  continual 
discharges  of  guns  which  ceased  only  at  the  landing 
of  the  canoe.  This  honor  which  they  rendered  me 
assured  me  of  their  present  dispositions.  I  lost  no 
time  and  as  soon  as  I  arrived  I  caused  a  cross  to  be 
planted,  and  those  who  accompanied  me  very  soon 
raised  a  chapel  which  they  made  of  bark  in  the  same 


in  New  England.  213 

manner  as  their  cabins  were  made,  and  erected  an 
altar  in  it.  While  they  were  occupied  with  this 
work,  I  visited  all  the  cabins  of  the  Amalin- 
gans,  to  prepare  them  for  the  instruction  which  I 
should  give  them.  As  soon  as  I  commenced  they 
became  very  assiduous  to  understand.  I  assembled 
them  three  times  a  day  in  the  chapel ;  namely,  the 
morning  after  my  mass,  at  midday,  the  evening  after 
prayer.  The  rest  of  the  day  I  went  about  the  cabins 
where  I  gave  them  more  particular  instructions. 

"  When  after  several  days  of  continual  work,  I 
judged  that  they  were  sufficiently  instructed  I  fixed 
the  day  when  they  should  come  to  regenerate  them- 
selves in  the  water  of  the  holy  baptism.  The  first 
who  repaired  to  the  cabin,  were  the  chief,  the  orator, 
three  of  the  more  considerable  of  the  nation,  with 
two  women.  After  their  baptism,  two  other  bands, 
each  of  twenty  savages,  succeeded  them,  who  re- 
ceived the  same  grace.  In  fine  all  the  others  con- 
tinued to  come  there  on  this  day,  and  the  morrow. 

"  You  can  judge  well  enough,  my  dear  brother, 
that  however  the  missionary  labors,  he  is  well 
recompensed  for  his  fatigue  by  the  sweet  consolation 
that  he  receives  in  leading  an  entire  nation  of  sav- 
ages into  the  way  of  salvation.  I  prepared  to  leave 
them,  and  return  to  my  own  village,  when  a  deputy 


214  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

came  to  tell  me  on  their  part  that  they  had  all  as- 
sembled in  the  same  place,  and  that  they  prayed  me 
to  repair  to  their  assembly.  As  soon  as  I  appeared  in 
the  midst  of  them,  the  orator  addressed  these  words 
to  me  in  the  name  of  all  the  others.  '  Our  father,' 
said  he  to  me,  '  we  have  not  words  to  testify  to  thee 
the  inexpressible  joy  that  we  all  feel  in  having  re- 
ceived baptism.  It  seems  to  us  now  that  we  have 
another  heart ;  everything  which  gave  us  trouble  is 
entirely  dissipated,  our  thoughts  are  no  more  waver- 
ing, the  baptism  interiorly  fortifies  us,  and  we  are 
fully  resolved  to  honor  it  all  the  days  of  our  life. 
Behold  what  we  say  to  thee  before  thou  quittest  us.'1 
I  replied  to  them  in  a  little  discourse,  wherein  I  ex- 
horted them  in  the  singular  grace  which  they  had 
received,  and  to  do  nothing  unworthy  of  the  charac- 
ter of  a  child  of  God,  with  which  they  have  been 
honored  by  the  holy  baptism.  As  they  prepared  to 
depart  for  the  sea,  I  added  that  on  their  return,  we 
should  determine  what  would  be  most  proper,  either 
that  we  should  go  to  dwell  with  them  or  that  they 

1  Of  course  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  the  savages 
ever  uttered  these  fine  sentiments.  They  but  ex- 
pressed their  good  will  in  their  savage  way,  and 
their  rude  sentiments  were  transfused  in  the  glowing 
imagination  of  the  poetic  Frenchman  into  this  splen- 
did flux  de  bouche. 


in  New  England.  215 

should  come  to  form  with  us  one  and  the  same  vil- 
lage. 

"  The  village  where  I  dwell  is  called  Nanantsou- 
ack,  and  is  placed  in  a  country  which  is  situated  be- 
tween Acadia  and  New  England.  This  mission  is 
about  eight  leagues  from  Pentagouet,  and  they 
count  it  a  hundred  leagues  from  Pentagouet  to  Port 
Royal.  The  river  of  my  mission  is  the  greatest  of 
all  those  which  water  the  lands  of  the  savages.  It 
should  be  marked  on  the  chart,  under  the  name  of 
Kinibeki  ;  which  has  brought  the  French  to  give  to 
these  savages  the  name  of  kanibals.  This  river 
empties  into  the  sea  at  Sankderank,1  which  is  only 
five  or  six  leagues  from  Pemquit.  After  having  as- 
cended forty  leagues  from  Sankderank,  one  arrives 
at  my  village  which  is  on  the  height  of  a  point  of 
land.  We  are  only  the  distance  of  two  days  at  the 
most  from  the  English  habitation  ;  it  takes  more 
than  fifteen  days  for  us  to  reach  Quebec,  and  the 
journey  is  very  painful  and  difficult  It  would  be 
natural  that  our  savages  should  do  their  trading  with 
the  English,  and  there  are  no  advantages  which  the 
latter  have  not  offered  them  to  attract  and  to  gain 
their  friendship  ;  but  all  their  efforts  have  been  use- 


1  That  is,  at  Sagadahoc. 


2 1 6  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

less  and  nothing  has  been  able  to  detach  them  from 
alliance  with  the  French.  The  only  tie  which  has 
so  closely  united  us  with  them  is  their  firm  attach- 
ment to  the  Catholic  faith.  They  are  convinced 
that  if  they  gave  themselves  up  to  the  English,  they 
would  very  soon  find  themselves  without  a  mission- 
ary, without  a  sacrifice,  without  a  sacrament,  and 
nearly  without  any  exercise  of  religion,  and  that 
little  by  little  they  would  be  plunged  into  their  first 
infidelity.  This  firmness  of  our  savages  has  been 
put  to  all  sorts  of  tests  on  the  part  of  their  powerful 
neighbors,  without  their  ever  having  been  able  to 
gain  anything. 

"In  the  time  when  the  war  was  on  the  point  of 
being  kindled  between  the  powers  of  Europe,  the 
English  governor  newly  arrived  at  Boston,  requested 
of  our  savages  an  interview  on  the  sea-shore,  or  an 
island  which  he  designated.1  They  consented  to  it, 
and  prayed  me  to  accompany  them  there,  to  consult 
me  on  the  artful  proposals  which  might  be  made  to 
them,  in  order  to  be  assured  that  their  replies  should 
have  nothing  contrary  neither  to  religion,  nor  to  the 
interests  of  the  king's  service.  I  followed  them,  and 
my  intention  was  to  keep  myself  simply  in  their 

1  The  island  of  Arrowsic. 


in  New  England.  2 1  7 

quarters,  to  aid  them  by  my  counsels,  without  ap- 
pearing before  the  governor.  As  we  approached  the 
island,  to  the  number  of  more  than  two  hundred 
canoes,  the  English  saluted  us  by  a  discharge  of  all 
the  cannons  of  their  ships,  and  all  the  savages  re- 
sponded to  this  salute  by  a  light  discharge  of  all 
their  guns.  Afterwards  the  governor  appearing  on 
the  island,  the  savages  landed  there  with  precipita- 
tion ;  thus  I  found  myself  where  I  desired  not  to  be 
and  where  the  governor  desired  not  that  I  should  be. 
When  he  perceived  me,  he  came  some  steps  toward 
me,  and  after  the  ordinary  compliments,  he  returned 
to  the  midst  of  his  people,  and  I  to  the  savages. 

" '  It  is  by  order  of  our  queen,'  said  he  to  them, 
'  that  I  come  to  see  you  ;  she  desires  that  we  should 
live  in  peace.  If  some  English  man  should  be  im- 
prudent enough  to  do  you  wrong,  do  not  dream  to 
avenge  yourself  for  it,  but  address  your  complaint 
immediately  to  me,  and  I  will  render  you  prompt 
justice.  If  it  happens  that  we  should  have  war  with 
the  French,  remain  neutral,  and  do  not  mix  your- 
selves in  our  differences.  The  French  are  as  strong 
as  we,  therefore  let  us  settle  our  quarrels  together. 
We  will  supply  all  your  needs  ;  we  will  take  your 
furs,  and  we  will  give  you  our  goods  at  a  moderate 
price.'  My  presence  hindered  him  from  saying  all 
28 


218  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

that  he  intended,  for  it  was  not  without  design  that 
he  had  brought  a  minister  with  him.1 

41  When  he  had  ceased  speaking,  the  savages  re- 
tired, to  deliberate  together  on  the  reply  which  they 
had  to  make.  During  this  time,  the  governor  draw- 
ing me  apart  '  I  pray  you  sir'  said  he  to  me,  'not  to 
lead  your  Indians  to  make  war  against  us.'  I  re- 
plied to  him  that  my  religion  and  my  character 
engaged  me  to  give  them  only  counsels  of  peace.  I 
should  have  spoken  more,  when  I  saw  myself  sud- 
denly surrounded  with  a  score  of  young  warriors,  who 
feared  lest  the  governor  wished  to  carry  me  away. 
In  the  meantime  the  savages  came  forward,  and  one 
of  them  made  the  following  reply  to  the  governor. 

"  '  Great  chief,  thou  didst  tell  us  not  to  join  with  the 
French.  Supposing  that  thou  shouldst  declare  war 
against  him  ;  know  that  the  French  man  is  my 
brother ;  we  have  the  same  prayer  he  and  I,  and  we 
are  in  the  same  cabin  at  two  fires  ;  he  has  one  fire 
and  I  the  other.  If  I  see  thee  enter  into  the  cabin 
on  the  side  of  the  fire  where  the  French  man  is  seated 
I  should  watch  thee  from  my  mat,  where  I  am  seated 
at  the  other  fire  ;  if,  in  watching  thee,  I  should  per- 
ceive that  thou  earnest  a  hatchet,  I  should  have  the 

1  The  Rev.  Joseph  Baxter,  of  Medway,  mentioned 
elsewhere. 


in  New  England.  219 

thought  what  does  the  Englishman  intend  to  do  with 
this  hatchet  ?  I  should  raise  myself  then  upon  my 
mat,  to  observe  what  he  will  do.  If  he  raises  the 
hatchet  to  strike  my  brother  the  Frenchman,  I  take 
mine,  and  I  run  to  the  Englishman  to  strike  him.  Is 
it  that  I  should  be  able  to  see  my  brother  struck  in 
my  cabin,  and  remain  quietly  on  my  mat.  No,  no, 
I  love  my  brother  too  much,  not  to  defend  him.  Thus 
I  would  say  to  thee,  great  chief  ;  do  nothing  to  my 
brother,  and  I  will  do  nothing  to  thee ;  remain  quiet 
on  thy  mat,  and  I  will  remain  in  repose  on  mine.' 

"  It  is  thus  that  this  conference  ended.  A  little  time 
after  some  of  our  savages  arrived  from  Quebec,  and 
reported  that  a  French  vessel  had  brought  there  the 
news  of  war  kindled  between  France  and  England. 
Our  savages  immediately,  after  having  deliberated 
according  to  their  custom,  ordered  the  young  men  to 
kill  the  dogs,  to  make  the  war  feast,  and  to  learn 
there  those  who  wished  to  engage  themselves  in  it. 
The  feast  took  place  ;  they  hung  a  kettle,  they  danced, 
and  two  hundred  and  fifty  warriors  met  there.  After 
the  feast  they  fixed  upon  a  day  to  come  to  confess 
themselves.  I  exhorted  them  to  be  as  attached  to 
their  prayer  as  they  were  in  the  village,  to  well  ob- 
serve the  laws  of  war,  not  to  exercise  any  cruelty,  not 
to  kill  anybody  except  in  the  heat  of  combat,  to  treat 


22O  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

humanely  those  who  surrendered  themselves  prison- 
ers, etc. 

"The  manner  in  which  these  people  make  war, 
renders  a  handful  of  their  warriors  more  formidable 
than  a  body  of  two  or  three  thousand  European  sol- 
diers would  be.  As  soon  as  they  have  entered  into 
the  enemy's  country,  they  divide  themselves  into 
different  parties,  one  of  thirty  warriors,  another  of 
forty,  etc.  They  say  to  the  first ;  '  to  you  is  given 
this  hamlet  to  devour,'  this  is  their  expression  '  to  you 
others,  is  given  this  village,  etc.'  At  once,  the  signal 
is  given  to  strike  all  together,  and  at  the  same  time  in 
different  places.  Our  two  hundred  and  fifty  warriors, 
spread  themselves  over  more  than  twenty  leagues  of 
country,  where  there  are  villages,  hamlets,  and 
houses ;  on  the  day  mentioned  they  struck  all  to- 
gether early  in  the  morning;  in  a  single  day  they 
swept  away  all  that  the  English  had  there,  and  they 
killed  more  than  two  hundred  of  them,  and  they  made 
more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners,  and  had 
on  their  part  only  a  few  warriors  slightly  wounded. 
They  returned  from  this  expedition  having  each  one 
two  canoes  loaded  with  booty  which  they  had  taken. 

"  During  all  the  time  that  the  war  lasted,  they  car- 
ried desolation  throughout  all  the  land  which  be- 
longed to  the  English;  they  ravaged  their  villages, 


in  New  England.  221 

their  forts,  their  farms,  carried  away  a  great  number 
of  cattle  and  made  more  than  six  hundred  prisoners. 
Therefore  these  gentlemen  persuaded  with  reason, 
that  in  keeping  my  savages  in  their  attachment  to 
the  Catholic  faith  I  strengthened  more  and  more 
the  bonds  which  united  them  to  the  French,  have 
put  in  operation  all  sorts  of  tricks  and  artifices  to 
detach  them  from  me.1  There  are  no  offers  nor 
promises  which  they  have  not  made  them,  if  they 
would  deliver  me  into  their  hands,  or  at  least  send 
me  back  to  Quebec,  and  take  in  my  place  one  of 
their  ministers.  They  have  made  several  attempts 
to  surprise  me  and  carry  me  off;  they  have  gone 
even  so  far  as  to  promise  a  thousand  pounds  sterling 
to  him  who  would  carry  my  head  to  them.  You 
may  well  believe,  my  dear  brother,  that  these  men- 
aces are  not  capable  of  intimidating  me,  nor  to  di- 
minish my  zeal  ;  too  happy  if  I  should  become  their 

1  After  such  cruel  destruction  as  Rale  describes 
so  lightly,  and  it  must  be  remembered  that  those 
killed  and  taken  prisoners  were  largely  the  women 
and  children  of  the  poor  settlers,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  they  did  greatly  desire  the  removal  from  their 
midst  of  the  aggravating  cause  of  their  sufferings. 
Rale's  own  statement  here  sufficiently  justifies  their 
course.  The  thousand  pounds  sterling  for  his  head 
is  rhapsody. 


222  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

victim,  and  if  God  should  judge  me  worthy  of  being 
loaded  with  irons  and  to  pour  out  my  blood  for  the 
salvation  of  these  savages. 

"At  the  first  news  which  came  of  the  peace  made 
in  Europe,  the  governor  of  Boston  caused  our  sav- 
ages to  be  told  that  if  they  would  properly  assemble 
in  a  place,  he  would  confer  with  them  on  the  present 
juncture  of  affairs.  All  the  savages  presented  them- 
selves at  the  place  indicated,  and  the  governor  spoke 
to  them  thus. 

" '  To  the  men  of  Naranhous,  I  inform  thee  that 
peace  is  made  between  the  King  of  France  and  our 
queen,  and  that  by  the  treaty  of  peace,  the  King  of 
France  ceded  to  our  queen,  Plaisance  and  Portrail 
with  all  the  lands  adjacent.  So,  if  thou  wishest,  we 
will  live  in  peace  thou  and  I.  We  have  done  so 
formerly ;  but  the  suggestions  of  the  French  have 
made  thee  break  it,  and  it  was  to  please  him  that 
thou  hast  come  to  kill  us.  Let  us  forget  all  these 
wicked  doings  and  cast  them  into  the  sea,  to  the  end 
that  they  shall  appear  no  more  and  that  we  shall  be 
good  friends.'  'That  is  well/  replied  the  orator,  in 
the  name  of  the  Savages,  that  the  Kings  should  be  at 
peace,  I  am  very  glad  of  it,  and  I  have  no  more  trouble 
in  making  it  with  thee.  It  is  not  I  who  struck 
thee  during  twelve  years,  it  is  the  Frenchman  who 


in  New  England.  223 

has  used  my  arm  to  strike  thee.  We  are  at  peace, 
it  is  true,  I  have  even  thrown  away  my  hatchet,  I 
know  not  where,  and  while  I  was  in  repose  on  my 
mat,  thinking  of  nothing,  some  young  men  brought 
me  word,  which  the  governor  of  Canada  sent  me  by 
which  he  said  to  me ;  My  son  the  English  man  has 
struck  me,  help  me  to  avenge  myself  on  him,  take 
thy  hatchet,  and  strike  the  Englishman.  I  who 
have  always  listened  to  the  word  of  the  French  gov- 
ernor, I  sought  my  hatchet,  I  found  it  at  last  all 
rusted,  I  burnished  it,  I  hung  it  at  my  belt  to  come 
to  strike  thee,  now  the  Frenchman  tells  me  to  put  it 
down  ;  I  throw  it  far  away,  that  one  may  no  longer 
see  the  blood  with  which  it  is  red.  I  consent  to  it. 
" '  But  thou  sayest  that  the  French  man  hast  given 
thee  Plaisance  and  Portrail  which  is  in  my  neighbor- 
hood, and  all  the  lands  adjacent ;  he  shall  give  it  to 
thee  as  much  as  he  will,  for  me  I  have  my  land 
which  the  great  Spirit  has  given  me  to  live  on  as 
long  as  there  shall  be  a  child  of  my  nation,  he  will 
fight  to  preserve  it.'  All  ended  thus  pleasantly. 
The  governor  made  a  great  feast  to  the  savages, 
after  which  each  withdrew.  The  happy  expectations 
of  peace,  and  the  tranquillity  which  they  began  to 
enjoy,  gave  birth  to  the  thought  among  our  savages 
to  rebuild  what  has  been  ruined  in  a  sudden  eruption 


224  'f/lc  Pioneers  of  New  France 

which  the  English  made,  while  they  were  absent  from 
the  village.  As  we  are  very  distant  from  Quebec 
and  much  nearer  Boston,  they  deputed  some  of  the 
principal  men  of  their  nations  to  demand  workmen, 
with  the  promise  to  pay  liberally  for  their  work.  The 
governor  received  them  with  great  demonstration  of 
friendship,  and  bestowed  upon  them  all  sorts  of 
blandishments.  '  I  wish  myself  to  rebuild  your  church,' 
said  he  to  them,  '  and  I  will  use  you  better  in  it  than 
the  French  governor  has  done  whom  you  call  your 
father.  It  should  be  for  him  to  rebuild  it,  since  it 
was  he  who  in  some  sort  has  ruined  it,  in  leading  you 
to  strike  me ;  as  for  me,  I  defend  myself  as  I  can  ;  as 
for  him,  after  being  served  by  you  for  his  defence, 
he  abandons  you.  I  shall  act  much  better  with  you, 
for  not  only  do  I  grant  you  workmen,  I  wish  more- 
over to  pay  them  myself,  and  to  bear  all  the  expense 
of  the  building  which  you  wish  to  construct ;  but  as 
it  is  not  reasonable  that  I,  who  am  an  Englishman 
should  build  a  church  without  putting  into  it  an 
English  minister  to  keep  it,  and  to  teach  prayer  in  it, 
I  will  give  you  one  with  whom  you  will  be  contented 
and  you  shall  send  back  the  French  minister  to 
Quebec,  who  is  in  your  village.' 

"  '  Thy  word  astonishes  me  '  replied  the  deputy  of 
the  savages,  '  and  I  wonder  at  the  proposition  that  thou 


in  New  England.  225 

hast  made  me.  When  thou  earnest  here,  thou  didst 
see  me  a  long  time  before  the  French  governor ; 
neither  those  who  preceeded  thee,  nor  thy  ministers 
have  ever  spoken  to  me  of  prayer,  nor  of  the  great 
Spirit.  They  have  seen  my  furs,  my  skins  of  the 
beaver,  and  the  moose,  and  it  is  on  them  alone  they 
have  thought ;  it  is  these  that  they  have  sought  with 
eagerness,  I  could  not  furnish  them  to  the  French 
governor,  my  father,  to  send  them  to  me.' 

"  In  effect,  M.  the  governor  had  no  sooner  learned 
the  ruin  of  our  church,  than  he  sent  his  workmen  to 
rebuild  it.  It  is  of  a  beauty,  which  might  be  admired 
in  Europe,  and  I  spared  nothing  to  adorn  it.  You 
have  been  able  to  see  by  the  details  that  I  have  given 
in  my  letter  to  my  nephew,  that  in  the  depths  of 
these  forests,  and  among  these  Savage  nations,  the 
divine  Service  is  performed  with  much  propriety  and 
dignity.  It  is  to  this  I  am  very  attentive,  not  only  while 
the  Savages  reside  in  the  village,  but  yet  all  the  time 
that  they  are  obliged  to  inhabit  the  seashore,  where 
they  go  twice  each  year  to  find  there  something  to 
live  on.  Our  savages  have  so  fully  despoiled  their 
country  of  beasts,  that  for  ten  years  they  have  no 
longer  found  there  either  moose  or  deer.  Bears  and 
beavers  have  become  very  rare  there,  they  have 
scarcely  anything  to  live  on  except  corn,  beans,  and 
29 


226  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

pumpkins.  They  crush  the  corn  between  two  stones 
to  reduce  it  to  flour,  then  they  make  a  broth  of  it 
which  they  sometimes  season  with  grease  or  with 
dry  fish.  When  the  corn  fails  they  search  in  the 
tilled  fields  for  potatoes  or  acorns,  which  they  esteem 
as  much  as  corn.  After  having  dried  it,  they  cook 
it  in  a  kettle  with  ashes,  to  remove  the  bitterness 
from  it.  For  myself,  I  eat  it  dry,  and  it  holds  for 
me  the  place  of  bread. 

"  At  a  certain  time,  they  repair  to  a  river  a  short 
distance  off,  where  during  a  month  the  fish  ascend 
the  river  in  so  great  quantity,  that  one  could  fill 
fifty  thousand  barrels  of  them  in  a  day,  if  one  could 
have  sufficient  strength  for  the  work.  They  are  a 
kind  of  great  herring  very  agreeable  to  the  taste 
when  they  are  fresh  ;  they  press  forward  one  upon 
another  a  foot  in  thickness,  and  they  dip  them  out 
like  water.  The  savages  dry  them  during  eight  or 
ten  days,  and  they  live  upon  them  during  all  the 
time  they  sow  their  lands. 

"  It  is  only  in  the  spring  that  they  sow  their  corn, 
and  they  only  give  it  the  last  hoeing  towards  Corpus 
Christi  Day.  After  which  they  deliberate  as  to  what 
place  on  the  sea  they  shall  go  to  seek  something  to  live 
upon  till  the  harvest,  which  is  not  ordinarily  made  until 
a  little  after  the  Assumption.  After  having  deliberated 


in  New  England.  227 

they  send  to  pray  me  to  repair  to  their  assembly. 
As  soon  as  I  have  arrived  there,  one  of  them  speaks  to 
me  thus  in  the  name  of  all  the  others.  '  Our  father, 
what  I  say  to  thee,  is  what  all  of  those  whom  thou 
seest  here  would  say  to  thee,  thou  knowest  us,  thou 
knowest  that  we  want  food  ;  scarcely  have  we  been 
able  to  give  the  last  hoeing  to  our  fields,  and  we 
have  no  other  resource  until  the  harvest,  but  to  go 
and  seek  food  on  the  shore  of  the  sea.  It  will  be 
hard  for  us  to  abandon  our  prayer  ;  that  is  why  we 
hope  that  thou  wilt  accompany  us,  so  that  in  seeking 
something  to  live  upon  we  shall  not  interrupt  our 
prayer.  Such  and  such  persons  will  embark  thee, 
and  that  which  thou  wilt  have  to  carry  will  be  dis- 
persed among  the  other  canoes.  That  is  what  I 
have  to  say  to  thee.'  I  have  no  sooner  replied  to 
them  Kekikberba  (this  is  a  savage  term  which  means, 
I  hear  you,  my  children,  I  agree  to  what  you  de- 
mand), than  all  cry  together  ouriourie,  which  is  an 
expression  of  thanks.  Immediately  after  they  leave 
the  village. 

"  As  soon  as  they  arrive  at  the  place  where  they 
should  pass  the  night,  they  plant  poles  at  intervals 
in  the  form  of  a  chapel,  they  surround  them  with  a 
large  tent  of  ticking,  and  it  is  open  only  in  front. 
All  is  finished  in  a  quarter  of  an  hour.  I  always  carry 


228  77/6'  Pioneers  of  New  France 

with  me  a  fair  cedar  board  four  feet  in  length  with 
what  should  support  it  ;  it  is  this  which  serves  for  an 
altar,  above  which  is  placed  a  very  appropriate 
canopy.  I  adorn  the  interior  of  the  chapel  with  very 
fine  silk  stuff ;  a  mat  of  reeds  dyed  and  well  wrought, 
while  a  great  bearskin  serves  for  a  carpet.  They  carry 
this  all  prepared,  and  they  have  only  to  place  it  when 
the  chapel  is  arranged.  At  night  I  take  my  rest  on 
a  carpet.  They  sleep  in  the  air  in  an  open  field  if  it 
does  not  rain  ;  if  it  rains  or  snows  they  cover  them- 
selves with  bark  which  they  carry  with  them,  and  which 
is  rolled  up  like  cloth.  If  the  excursion  is  made  in 
the  winter,  they  remove  the  snow  from  the  space  which 
the  chapel  should  occupy  and  they  arrange  it  as 
usual.  Then  they  make  each  day  the  evening  and 
the  morning  prayer,  and  I  offer  the  holy  sacrifice 
of  the  mass. 

"  When  the  savages  have  reached  their  destination, 
on  the  next  day  they  occupy  themselves  in  erecting 
a  church,  which  they  cover  with  their  bark.  I  carry 
with  me  my  chapel,  and  all  that  is  necessary  to  adorn 
the  choir,  which  I  hang  with  silk  stuffs  and  fair  cali- 
coes. The  divine  service  is  performed  as  in  the  vil- 
lage and  indeed,  they  form  a  kind  of  village  of  all 
their  cabins  made  of  bark,  which  they  set  up  in  less 
than  an  hour.  After  the  Assumption,  they  quit  the 


in  New  England.  229 

sea  and  return  to  the  village  to  make  their  harvest. 
They  fare  then  very  poorly  until  after  All  Saints, 
when  they  return  a  second  time  to  the  sea.  It  is  in 
this  season  that  they  make  good  cheer.  Besides 
large  fish,  shell  fish,  and  fruits,  they  find  bustards, 
ducks,  and  all  sorts  of  game,  with  which  the  sea  is 
all  covered  in  the  place  where  they  encamp,  which  is 
divided  by  a  great  number  of  little  islands.  The 
hunters  who  go  out  in  the  morning  to  hunt  ducks, 
and  other  kinds  of  game  sometimes  kill  a  score  at  a 
single  shot.  Towards  the  Purification,  or  later 
toward  Ash  Wednesday  they  return  to  the  village,  it 
is  only  the  hunters  who  scatter  themselves  abroad  to 
go  in  pursuit  of  the  bears,  of  the  moose,  of  the  deer 
and  of  the  beavers. 

"These  good  savages  have  often  given  me  proofs 
of  the  most  sincere  attachment  for  me,  above  all  on 
two  occasions,  when,  finding  myself  with  them  on 
the  shores  of  the  sea,  they  took  lively  alarm  on  my 
account.  One  day  when  they  were  occupied  with 
their  hunting,  a  rumor  was  suddenly  spread  that  an 
English  party  had  made  an  irruption  into  my  quar- 
ters, and  had  carried  me  away.  In  that  very  hour 
they  assembled,  and  the  result  of  their  deliberation 
was  that  they  should  pursue  the  party  until  they 
had  overtaken  it,  and  had  snatched  me  from  their 


230  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

hands,  should  it  cost  them  life.  They  set  off  at  the 
same  instant  toward  my  quarter,  rather  far  into  the 
night.  When  they  entered  into  my  cabin,  I  was  oc- 
cupied in  composing  the  life  of  a  saint  in  the  savage 
language.  '  Ah,  our  father,'  they  cried,  '  how  glad 
we  are  to  see  thee.'  'I  am  eagerly  rejoiced  to  see 
you,  but  what  is  it  brings  you  here  at  so  frightful  a 
time?'  'It  is  mainly  that  we  are  come,  they  had 
assured  us  that  the  English  had  carried  thee  off; 
we  came  to  observe  their  tracks  and  our  warriors 
could  hardly  wait  to  come  and  pursue  them,  and  to 
attack  their  forts,  where,  if  the  news  had  been  true, 
the  English  would  have  without  doubt  have  impris- 
oned you.'  '  You  see,  my  children,'  I  replied  to 
them,  that  your  fears  are  unfounded  ;  but  the  friend- 
ship my  children  show  me  fills  my  heart  with  joy  ; 
because  it  is  a  proof  of  their  attachment  to  the 
prayer.  To-morrow,  you  shall  depart  immediately 
after  mass  at  the  earliest  hour  to  our  brave  warriors, 
and  deliver  them  from  all  uneasiness.' 

"  Another  alarm  equally  false  threw  me  into  great 
embarrassment,  and  exposed  me  to  perish  with 
hunger  and  misery.  Two  savages  came  in  haste  to 
my  quarters  to  inform  me  that  they  had  seen  the 
English  within  a  half  day's  journey.  '  Our  father,' 
said  they  to  me,  '  there  is  no  time  to  lose,  it  is  neces- 


in  New  England.  231 

sary  that  thou  shouldest  retire,  thou  wilt  risk  too 
much  to  remain  here  ;  for  us  we  will  await  them,  and 
perhaps  we  will  go  in  advance  of  them.  The  run- 
ners depart  at  this  moment  to  observe  them  ;  but  for 
thee  it  is  necessary  that  thou  shouldest  go  to  the 
village  with  these  men  whom  we  bring  to  conduct 
thee  there.  When  we  shall  know  thee  in  a  place  of 
safety,  we  shall  be  easy.'  I  set  out  at  break  of  day 
with  ten  savages  who  served  me  for  guides ;  but 
after  some  days  march,  we  found  ourselves  at  the  end 
of  our  small  provisions.  My  conductors  killed  the 
dog  which  followed  them,  and  ate  it ;  they  soon 
came  to  their  wolf  bags  which  they  likewise  ate. 
This  is  what  it  was  not  possible  for  me  to  taste, 
nevertheless  I  lived  on  a  kind  of  wood  which  they 
boiled,  and  which,  being  cooked,  is  as  tender  as  rad- 
ishes half  cooked,  except  the  heart  which  is  very 
hard  and  which  they  throw  away  ;  this  wood  had  not 
a  bad  taste,  but  I  had  extreme  difficulty  in  swallow- 
ing it.  Sometimes  they  found  attached  to  the  trees 
those  excrescences  of  wood  which  are  white  like  large 
mushrooms;  they  cook  them  and  reduce  them  to  a 
kind  of  pulp,  but  it  is  quite  necessary  to  acquire  a 
taste  for  them.  At  other  times  they  dried  in  the 
fire  the  bark  of  the  green  oak,  they  pounded  it  im- 
mediately, and  made  it  into  a  pulp  or  else  they  dried 


232  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

the  leaves  which  grew  in  the  clefts  of  the  rocks  and 
which  they  called  tripes  de  roche ;  when  they  are 
cooked,  they  make  a  pulp  very  black  and  disagree- 
able. I  ate  of  all  this,  because  there  is  nothing  that 
hunger  does  not  devour. 

"  With  such  food,  we  could  make  only  very  short 
journeys.  We  arrived  in  the  meantime  at  a  lake 
which  began  to  thaw,  and  there  was  already  four 
inches  of  water  on  the  ice.  It  was  necessary  to 
cross  it  with  our  snow  shoes  ;  but  as  these  snow 
shoes  are  made  of  strips  of  skin,  as  soon  as  they  were 
wet,  they  became  very  heavy,  and  rendered  our 
march  much  more  difficult.  Although  one  of  our 
men  marched  at  our  head  to  sound  the  way,  I  sank 
suddenly  as  far  as  to  the  knees;  another  who  marched 
beside  me  sank  presently  up  to  the  waist,  crying  out ; 
'  My  father,  I  am  dead.'  As  I  approached  him  to 
offer  him  my  hand,  I  sank  myself  still  deeper.  At 
last,  it  was  not  without  much  hardship  that  we  ex- 
tricated ourselves  from  this  danger,  through  the  in- 
cumbrance  which  our  snow  shoes  caused  us,  of  which 
we  could  not  rid  ourselves.  Nevertheless,  I  ran 
still  less  risk  from  drowning,  than  from  dying  from 
cold  in  the  midst  of  this  half  frozen  lake. 

"  But  new  dangers  awaited  us  the  next  day,  in  the 
passage  of  a  river  which  it  was  necessary  we  should 


in  New  England.  233 

cross  on  the  floating  ice.  We  extricated  ourselves 
from  it  happily,  and  at  last  arrived  at  the  village.  I 
at  first  dug  up  a  little  Indian  corn,  which  I  had  left 
in  my  house,  and  I  ate  of  it,  all  raw  as  it  was  to  ap- 
pease my  first  hunger,  while  these  poor  savages 
made  all  sorts  of  efforts  in  order  to  regale  me.  And 
in  effect  the  repast  that  they  brought  me,  although 
frugal  and  but  little  appetizing,  as  it  might  appear  to 
you,  was,  in  their  eyes,  a  veritable  feast.  They 
served  me  at  first  a  plate  of  mush  made  of  Indian 
corn.  Now  for  the  second  course,  they  gave  me  a 
small  morsel  of  bear,  with  acorns  and  a  little  cake  of 
Indian  corn  cooked  under  the  ashes.  When  I  asked 
them  why  they  had  prepared  for  me  such  good 
cheer;  'How  now,  our  father,'  they  replied  to  me, 
'  it  is  two  days  that  thou  hast  eaten  nothing  ;  could 
we  do  less  ;  would  to  God  that  we  could  very  often 
regale  thee  in  this  way.'  While  I  was  thinking  to 
recover  from  my  fatigue,  one  of  the  Indians  who 
were  encamped  on  the  sea  shore,  and  who  was 
ignorant  of  my  return  to  the  village  caused  a  new 
alarm.  Having  come  to  my  quarters,  and  not  find- 
ing me  there,  nor  yet  those  who  were  encamped 
with  me,  they  did  not  doubt  that  we  had  been  car- 
riew  away  by  a  party  of  English  ;  and  while  on  his 
way  to  give  warning  to  those  in  his  quarters,  he 
3° 


234  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

reached  the  bank  of  the  riven  There,  he  tore  the 
bark  from  a  tree  upon  which  he  drew  with  charcoal 
the  English  about  me,  and  one  of  them  cutting  off 
my  head.  This  is  all  the  writing  of  the  savages,  and 
they  understand  as  well  among  themselves,  by  these 
kinds  of  figures,  as  we  understand  each  other  by  our 
letters.  He  then  placed  this  sort  of  letter  around  a 
stick  which  he  planted  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  in 
order  to  instruct  the  passers  by  what  had  happened 
to  me.  A  short  time  after,  some  savages  who  passed 
there  in  six  canoes  to  go  to  the  village,  discovered 
this  bark.  'There  is  a  writing,' said  they;  'let  us 
see  what  it  tells.  '  Alas,'  they  cried  on  reading  it,  '  the 
English  have  killed  those  of  the  quarter  of  our 
father  ;  as  for  him,  they  have  cut  off  his  head.'  They 
immediately  plucked  off  the  lock  of  hair  which  they 
leave  negligently  flowing  over  their  shoulders  and 
seated  themselves  around  the  stick  until  the  next 
day,  without  saying  a  single  word.  This  ceremony 
among  them  is  the  mark  of  the  greatest  affliction. 
The  next  day  they  continued  their  route  to  within  a 
half  league  of  the  village  where  they  stopped ;  then 
they  sent  one  of  them  into  the  woods  quite  near  to 
the  village,  in  order  to  see  if  the  English  had  not 
come  to  burn  the  fort  and  the  cabins.  I  was  reciting 
my  breviary  while  walking  along  by  the  fort  on  the 


in  New   England.  235 

river,  when  this  savage  arrived  opposite  me  on  the 
other  side.  As  soon  as  he  perceived  me  'Ah,  my 
father,'  cried  he,  '  how  glad  I  am  to  see  thee.  My 
heart  was  dead,  and  it  revived  on  seeing  thee,  we 
have  seen  the  writing  which  said  the  English  had  cut 
off  thy  head.  How  glad  I  am  that  it  has  lied.' 
When  I  proposed  to  him  to  send  him  a  canoe  to 
cross  the  river.  '  No/  replied  he,  '  it  is  enough  that 
I  have  seen  thee ;  I  return  upon  my  steps  to  carry 
this  pleasant  news  to  those  who  await  me,  and  we 
shall  come  very  soon  to  rejoin  thee.'  Indeed  they 
arrived  there  the  same  day. 

"  I  believe,  my  very  dear  brother,  to  have  fulfilled 
that  which  you  desired  of  me,  by  the  summary  which 
I  undertake  to  make  you  of  the  nature  of  this  country, 
of  the  character  of  our  savages,  of  my  occupations, 
of  my  labors,  and  of  the  danger  to  which  I  am  ex- 
posed. You  judge  without  doubt  that  it  is  on  the 
part  of  my  gentlemen,  the  English  of  our  neighbor- 
hood, that  I  have  the  most  to  fear.  It  is  true  that 
for  a  long  time  they  have  sworn  my  destruction  ;  but 
neither  their  ill-will  for  me,  nor  the  death  with  which 
they  threaten  me,  shall  ever  be  able  to  separate  me 
from  my  old  rlock  ;  I  recommend  it  to  your  holy 
prayers,  and  am,  with  most  tender  attachment,  etc." 
The  winter  following  Harmon's  failure,  another  ex- 


236  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

pedition  was  attempted  against  Norridgewock  by 
Capt.  Moulton.1  After  an  arduous  march  through 
thick  forests  and  frozen  swamps,  which  lay  between 
him  and  his  elusive  foe,  Moulton  reached  the  vicinity 
of  the  village,  as  he  supposed  undiscovered,  and  cau- 
tiously approaching,  thought  to  surprise  it.  To  his 
chagrin  it  was  deserted.  Rate  and  his  neophytes  had 
been  apprised  of  danger,  and  fled  to  the  woods. 


Jeremiah  Moulton  was  a  native  of  York, 
and  brother-in-law  to  Johnson  Harmon,  to  whom  he 
held  a  subordinate  position  in  the  attack  on  Nor- 
ridgewock, but  the  credit  of  success  on  that  occasion 
was  by  popular  acclaim  awarded  to  him,  although  he 
received  no  public  recognition  for  his  services.  In 
1735,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Provincial 
Council,  and  represented  York  in  the  General  Court 
for  several  years.  He  was  also  county  treasurer  of 
Yorkshire,  and  judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas. 
He  was  lieutenant-colonel  of  militia,  and  in  1761  was 
judge  of  Probate.  Williamson  says  of  him  that 
"though  he  was  unassuming  in  his  disposition  and  man- 
ners, and  never  a  restless  aspirant  for  office,  few  men  of 
this  age  and  this  Province,  had  a  greater  share  of 
public  confidence,  or  were  called  to  fill  so  many  places 
of  official  trust  and  responsibility,"  and  that  "the 
prudence,  skill  and  bravery  which  marked  his  con- 
duct, gave  him  rank  among  the  military  characters 
of  distinction.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Council 
Board  seventeen  years  in  succession  —  a  man  of 
sound  judgment,  possessing  a  character  of  uncommon 
excellence." 


in  New  England.  237 

Though  greatly  annoyed  at  this  lame  conclusion  of 
his  labors,  Moulton,  with  commendable  magnanimity, 
forbade  his  men  from  doing  any  injury  to  the  church 
or  dwellings  of  the  savages,  and  they  were  therefore 
left  unscathed.  Rale  told  his  converts  that  this  wise 
and  generous  act  was  the  result  of  cowardice,  and 
that  their  church  was  spared  because  he  had  threat- 
ened the  English,  that  if  they  destroyed  it,  he  would 
destroy  all  their  churches.  Such  is  the  spirit  of 
prejudice  that  it  blinds  men  to  what  is  praiseworthy 
in  their  adversaries. 

Rale  was  urged  by  his  friends  to  withdraw  into 
Canada,  but  underestimating  the  steady  perseverance 
of  the  English,  and  regarding  the  danger  of  capture 
to  be  light,  he  sternly  refused. 

If  we  had  stood  on  the  morning  of  August  iQth,  or 
8th,  old  style,  i  724,  upon  the  glacis  in  front  of  Fort 
Richmond,  we  should  have  witnessed  an  interesting 
scene  of  activity.  Along  the  leafy  banks  of  the 
Kennebec  lay  seventeen  large  boats,  such  as  were 
then  used  by  whalers,  which,  one  by  one,  were  soon 
filled  with  men,  arms  and  provisions,  and  having  been 
formed  into  a  long  line  were  rowed  rapidly  away. 
It  was  an  expedition  of  two  hundred  and  eleven  men, 
three  being  Mohawk  savages,  friendly  to  the  English, 
under  the  leadership  of  Harmon  and  Moulton,  going 


238  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

against  Norridgewock ;  this  time  in  summer,  the 
season  that  Ral<f  had  told  his  savages  that  the  Eng- 
lish were  too  cowardly  to  approach  their  village, 
even  with  a  force  seven  or  eight  times  greater  than 
their  own. 

Reaching  the  present  site  of  Winslow,  on  the 
2oth,  the  party  disembarked,  at  the  foot  of  Ticonic 
falls,  where  they  encamped  for  the  night,  and  the 
next  morning  leaving  their  boats  guarded  by  forty 
men,  Harmon  and  Moulton,  with  the  rest  of  their 
command,  proceeded  on  their  way  to  Norridgewock. 
As  the  shades  of  evening  fell  about  them,  they  were 
still  threading  their  devious  way  along  the  river 
bank,  when  suddenly  they  surprised  an  Indian  and 
two  Indian  women,  who  fled  at  their  approach.  The 
success  of  the  expedition  depended  upon  surprising 
the  elusive  foe,  and  if  these  Indians  escaped  and 
carried  the  alarm  to  Norridgewock,  the  campaign 
would  terminate  as  on  former  occasions,  in  failure, 
if  not  in  disaster.  There  was  but  one  thing  to  do 
under  the  circumstances  and  they  fired  upon  the 
fugitives  as  they  strove  to  escape  by  the  river.  The 
man  and  one  of  the  women  fell,  the  other  woman 
surrendered.  The  savages  whom  they  had  slain 
proved  to  be  Bomazeen,  one  of  their  most  treacher- 
ous enemies,  and  his  daughter  ;  the  prisoner  being 


in  New  England.  239 

his  wife.  On  the  23d,  about  midday,  they  were 
near  the  doomed  village,  and  the  force  was  di- 
vided,1 Harmon  filing  off  with  a  part  of  the  men 
toward  the  cornfields  of  the  savages,  to  surprise 
any  who  might  be  there,  while  Moulton  proceeded 
toward  the  village. 

It  was  about  three  o'clock  when  Moulton  saw 
from  the  leafy  covert  which  concealed  him  and  his 
little  band  of  eighty  men,  the  cabins  of  the  savages 
almost  within  reach  ;  but  not  a  human  being  was  in 
sight.  The  place  seemed  deserted  as  they  had 
found  it  on  other  occasions,  and  but  for  certain  un- 
mistakable signs  of  occupation,  the  anxious  leaguers 
would  have  believed  it  to  be  so.  Suddenly  from 
one  of  the  cabins  a  solitary  savage  emerged  to  per- 
form some  necessary  duty,  when  looking  around,  his 
quick  eye  discovered  the  presence  of  a  foe.  In- 
stantly his  shrill  war  cry  aroused  the  lazy  warriors, 


Johnson  Harmon,  born  about  1680,  married 
Mary,  the  daughter  of  Jeremiah  Moulton,  Senior,  of 
York.  He  achieved  a  wide  fame  for  his  skill  in  In- 
dian warfare,  and  for  his  services  at  Norridgewock 
was  rewarded  by  promotion  to  the  rank  of  colonel 
He  represented  York  in  the  General  Court  in  1727, 
and  shortly  after  removed  to  Merriconeag  Neck  with 
his  son-in-law,  Richard  Jaques.  He  died  April  17, 


240  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

and  they  sprung  to  their  arms  ready  for  the  fray. 
Moulton,  with  a  coolness  born  of  constant  exposure 
to  danger,  sharply  commanded  his  men  on  pain  of 
death  to  reserve  their  fire,  and  the  savages  dis- 
charged their  guns  in  the  faces  of  their  implacable 
foemen,  overshooting  them  in  their  wild  excitement. 
The  English  without  breaking  their  ranks  steadily 
returned  the  fire,  and  the  savage  warriors  quickly 
reloaded,  while  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  fled  in 
dismay  to  the  river ;  but  although  Rale  has  extolled 
the  bravery  and  hardihood  of  his  neophytes  now,  as 
upon  all  other  occasions  when  matched  with  civilized 
man,  they  failed  in  true  heroism,  and  discharging 
their  guns  a  second  time  without  execution,  they 
broke  and  fled,  although  their  force  was  nearly  two- 
thirds  as  large  as  that  opposed  to  them,  and  they 
stood  on  familiar  ground,  a  matter  of  considerable 
importance  in  warfare.  A  wild  rush  of  men,  women, 
and  children  was  made  for  the  river,  which  was  but 
about  sixty  feet  wide,  and  at  its  lowest  stage  ;  so 
that  the  taller  men  could  ford  it.  Some  attempted 
escape  in  their  canoes,  but  had  no  paddles,  while  the 
greater  part  of  the  savages  were  obliged  to  trust  to 
their  natatory  skill.  Of  course,  the  women  and  chil- 
dren in  the  wild  confusion  which  surrounded  them 
suffered  most. 


in  New  England.  241 

The  English  had  but  one  duty  to  perform.  Here 
was  the  very  source  of  that  pernicious  power,  which 
had  spread  ruin,  desolation,  and  death,  accompanied 
by  unparalleled  horror  and  suffering,  through  New 
England.  Its  complete  destruction  was  not  only  a 
necessary  but  a  beneficent  act,  if  any  act  of  warfare 
which  cuts  off  human  -life  to  prevent  its  greater  de- 
struction may  be  properly  so  called. 

It  was  an  affair  of  but  a  few  moments.  Some 
of  the  English  seizing  paddles,  which  they  found, 
sprung  into  canoes,  while  others  waded  into  the  river 
and  fired  upon  those  who  had  not  already  found 
shelter  on  the  opposite  bank,  killing  some  and  driv- 
ing even  those  who  were  attempting  to  escape  in 
their  canoes  to  seek  safety  by  plunging  into  the 
water.  Those  who  escaped  were  soon  beyond  the 
reach  of  pursuit,  and  the  English,  who  had  followed 
them  to  the  river,  quickly  returned  to  the  village 
where  occasional  firing  could  still  be  heard.  This 
firing  was  from  two  cabins  ;  in  one  was  Mogg  with 
his  wife  and  two  children,  and  in  the  other  Rale  with 
an  English  boy,  about  fourteen  years  of  age,  captured 
some  months  before,  and  now  in  the  keeping  of  the 
priest.1  A  shot  from  Mogg  struck  and  killed  one 

1  This  boy  was  the  son  of  William  Mitchell  of 
Scarborough,  and  with  his  brother  was  captured  on 

31 


242  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

of  the  Mohawks,  which  so  exasperated  his  brother 
that  he  rushed  upon  the  cabin,  broke  down  the  door 
and  shot  Mogg  dead,  and  in  the  mad  excitement  his 
wife  and  two  children  were  likewise  slain.  Moulton 
had  given  strict  orders  to  spare  Rale,  intending  to 
make  him  a  prisoner,  and  to  deliver  him  into  the 
hands  of  the  authorities  at  Boston,  but  his  design 
was  frustrated  by  Lieutenant  Richard  Jaques,1  his 

the  1 7th  of  the  preceding  April,  at  which  time  his 
father  was  killed. 

1  Richard  Jaques,  son  of  Daniel  and  Mary  Wil- 
liams Jaques,  was  born  at  Newbury,  Mass.,  where 
descendants  of  the  family  still  reside,  on  Feb.  2,  1696, 
and  married  Mary,  born  Mar.  23,  1 704-5,  the  daughter 
of  Johnson  Harmon,  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Norridgewock  expedition.  As  with  so  many  others, 
whose  campaigning  led  them  along  the  winding  shores 
of  the  Kennebec  and  Androscoggin,  Jaques  was 
enamored  with  the  beauty  and  fertility  of  the  region, 
and  in  1727,  in  company  with  his  father-in-law,  Col. 
Johnson  Harmon,  he  removed  to  Merriconeag  Neck 
in  the  town  of  Harpswell,  where  he  settled  upon  a 
tract  of  land  belonging  to  the  Pejepscot  proprietors, 
and  for  several  years  led  the  peaceful  life  of  a  farmer ; 
but,  when  the  call  came  in  1 745  for  troops  to  strike 
a  blow  at  Louisbourg,  the  stronghold  of  French 
power,  which  the  English  frontiersman  so  hated,  his 
military  ardor  was  reawakened,  and  he  joined  the 
enthusiastic  volunteers  with  a  company  of  his  towns- 
men, and  participated  in  the  glorious  success  which 
the  English  achieved  in  reducing  "the  Gibraltar  of 


in  New  England.  243 

nephew,  and  the  son-in-law  of  Harmon,  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  expedition,  who  breaking  in 
the  door  of  the  cabin  from  which  Rale  was  firing, 
saw  him  in  the  act  of  dropping  a  bullet  into  his  gun. 
Hastily  demanding  if  he  would  surrender,  or,  in  the 
parlance  of  the  time,  would  "  take  quarter,"  he  was 
answered  in  a  spirited  manner  by  the  priest,  that 
he  would  not,  whereupon,  without  further  parley,  he 
shot  him  dead.  In  the  cabin  was  found  Mitchell,  the 
captive  boy,  shot  through  the  thigh  and  stabbed 

America."  After  his  return  from  Louisbourg  we 
have  but  little  that  is  definite  concerning  him.  There 
is  a  tradition  in  the  family,  unsupported  by  any  record, 
however,  that  he  commanded  a  company  of  soldiers 
sent  to  Bagaduce  not  long  after  the  fall  of  Louis- 
bourg, to  hold  the  savages  in  check,  and  while  on 
this  service  was  ordered  by  the  officer  commanding 
the  expedition  to  lead  his  company  across  an  exposed 
point  to  reconnoitre  for  savages.  His  long  experi- 
ence in  savage  methods  of  warfare  rendered  him 
prudent,  and  he  expressed  to  his  commander  the 
opinion,  that  to  cross  the  point  in  question  might  ex- 
pose him  and  his  men  to  the  danger  of  an  ambush. 
Angry  at  having  his  order  questioned,  the  hasty 
officer  taunted  him  with  cowardice,  which  stung  him 
so  keenly  that  Jaques  replied  that  "  he  would  not 
turn  on  his  heel  to  save  his  life,"  and  proceeded  to 
carry  the  imprudent  order  into  effect.  He  had  pro- 
ceeded but  a  short  distance  when  a  savage,  who  had 
been  concealed  behind  a  tree,  fired  upon  and  wounded 


244  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

in  the  body,  who  declared  that  this  was   done  by 
Raid.1 

Moulton  was  angry  with  Jaques  for  his  disobedi- 
ence of  orders,  and  reprimanded  him  for  it ;  refusing 
to  accept  his  excuse  that  Rale  was  reloading  his  gun, 
and  refused  to  give  or  take  quarter.  The  victors 

him  severely.  He  was  carried  home  to  Harpswell, 
where  he  died  a  few  months  after  from  his  wounds. 
Parkman  calls  the  slayer  of  Rale  Benjamin  Jaques, 
being  probably  misled  "by  an  article  in  the  Brunswick 
Historical  Magazine  of  1864.  Benjamin  was  the  son 
of  Richard,  and  was  living  many  years  after  the 
death  of  his  father.  An  island  near  the  former  place 
of  residence  of  Richard  Jaques  still  preserves  his 
name,  sometimes  strangely  transformed  into  Jaquinth 
and  Jaqueth  Island.  The  children  of  Richard  and 
Mary  Jaques  were  Marianna,  b.  June,  1725;  Su- 
sanna, b.  June,  1728,  and  Benjamin,  b.  Oct.  17,  1731. 
1  This  statement,  though  its  veracity  has  been 
doubted,  notably  by  Dr.  Harris,  who  says,  "We 
search  in  vain  for  the  evidence  of  this  revengeful 
deed"  (Mass.  Hist.  Col.,  4th  series,  vol.  8,  p.  257), 
has  never  been  disproved,  which  is  strange,  as  there 
must  have  been  several  persons  conversant  with  the 
particulars  of  the  affair  who  lived  for  years  after  it 
happened.  Moulton  was  a  man  with  a  nice  sense  of 
honor,  and  was  present  when  the  body  was  found, 
yet  he  never  appears  to  have  questioned  the  story. 
In  spite,  however,  of  this,  it  is  too  revolting  for 
credence,  and  we  ought  not  to  accept  it  without 
further  evidence. 


in  New  England.  245 

encamped  in  the  village  for  the  night,  being  joined 
after  the  fray  by  Harmon,  and  the  next  morning  took 
up  their  march  homeward,  carrying  with  them  what 
little  spoil  they  could  find.  Of  course,  a  little  corn, 
a  few  guns,  kettles,  blankets  and  a  small  store  of 
powder  would  constitute  the  worldly  wealth  of  such 
a  savage  community  ;  but  whatever  found  was  doubt- 
less taken  away  by  the  poor  soldiers. 

Moulton,  who  was  a  humane  and  prudent  man, 
left  the  village  unharmed,  as  on  a  former  occasion  ; 
but  after  reaching  Ticonic  Falls,  where  the  boats  had 
been  left,  Christian,  one  of  the  two  surviving  Mo- 
hawks, returned  to  Norridgewock  and  set  fire  to  the 
place,  destroying  everything.  According  to  the 
account  of  De  la  Chasse,  after  the  English  had  left 
the  ruined  village  some  of  the  savages  returned  and 
buried  the  body  of  Rale.  If  they  did  so,  they  were 
soon  hurrying  to  join  their  brethren  in  Canada,  where 
they  arrived  in  a  destitute  condition,  and  were  taken 
under  the  protection  of  Vaudreuil,  who  supplied 
their  needs,  and  hastened  to  apply  to  the  king  for  an 
increase  of  the  allowance  granted  for  the  support  of 
the  families  of  those  engaged  in  war  with  the  Eng- 
lish, which  was  promptly  granted.  Among  the 
things  found  by  Moulton  was  a  book  which  Raid 
probably  prized  above  all  his  worldly  belongings, 


246  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

Busenbaum's  Medulla  Theologiae  Moralis,  which 
embodied  the  concentrated  wisdom  of  the  order  to 
which  he  belonged.  It  is  strange  that  no  writer  on 
Rale  has  taken  the  trouble  to  critically  examine  this 
book,  which  was,  without  doubt,  as  it  is  inscribed, 
his  vade  mecum.  It  was  studied  by  him  day  by  day 
in  the  solitude  of  the  forest,  and  he  regarded  it  as 
embodying  the  holiest  truths,  the  foundation  stones, 
so  to  speak,  of  his  thoughts  and  acts.  The  logic  of 
this  book  was  his  logic,  and  gave  form  to  his  reason- 
ings, hence  should  it  not  reveal  to  us  some  of  the 
mental  lineaments  of  the  man  ?  Any  unprejudiced 
mind  will  be  satisfied  of  this  who  gives  it  a  careful 
examination.1  Besides  this  book,  was  found  an  un- 

1  It  has  been  taken  for  granted  that  this  book  was 
found  in  the  chest  captured  by  Westbrook  in  the 
winter  of  1721-22,  but  this  does  not  appear  to  me  to 
be  the  fact.  The  book,  known  as  the  Abnaki  dic- 
tionary, was  undoubtedly  found  in  the  box,  but  there 
is  nothing  whatever  to  indicate  that  this  book,  which, 
it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  was  carried  always  about 
his  person,  was  not  taken  from  him  when  he  was 
killed.  The  following  is  the  title  of  the  book, 
^MEDULLA  THEOLOGIZE  MORALIS  Facite 
ac  Perspicua.  Methodo  resolvens.  Casus  Conscientiae, 
exvariis  prabistisque  Authoribus  connata.  AR.  P. 
HERM.  BUSENBAUM,  I  Societate  Jesu,  S.  S. 
Theologies  Licentiate.  Poenitentibus  aequt  ac  Con- 


in  New  England.  247 

fessariis  perqumutiles.  Editio  Novissima.  Recognita 
ab  unok  Societate  &  a  multis  mendis  repurgata,  que  in 
prcecendentibus  irrepferant.  LUGDUN1,  sumptibus. 
Francisci  Comba  in  vieo  Mercatorio  ad  insgne  trium 
Virtutum.  M.  DC.  LXX F,  Cum  Privilegio  Regis" 

On  the  fly  leaf  is  inscribed  the  following : 

"  This  book  did  belong  to  Monsr.  Ralle  the  Jesuit 
and  Missionary  from  France  among  the  Eastern  In- 
dians who  was  kill'd  at  Neridgawock  when  it  was 
surpris'd  and  destroy'd  by  Coll.  Barman,  Majr. 
Moulton  &  Compa.  in  ye  year  1724.  This  was  ye 
Jesuit's  vade  mecum.  It  was  given  by  Major  Josua 
Moodey  of  Casco  Bay  to  Wm  Welsteed." 

In  Mr.  Willis'  handwriting  is  the  following  :  "  Mr. 
Welsted  was  a  clergyman,  he  graduated  at  H.  C. 
1716,  was  a  classmate  of  Joseph  Moody,  was  a  tutor 
at  Cambridge  from  1720  to  1728.  Mr  Welsted  vis- 
ited Falrn0  in  July  or  Aug.  1726  &  preached  for  Mr. 
Smith.  Moody  then  lived  here  &  probably  pre- 
sented this  book  to  his  classmate.  W.  W." 

This  book  has  been  of  the  highest  authority 
among  the  Jesuits  for  centuries,  as  is  evinced  by  the 
fact  that  it  has  been  through  more  than  fifty  edi- 
tions, the  last  having  been  printed  at  Rome  not 
long  ago,  under  the  authority  of  the  Propaganda 
Fide.  Space  will  permit  but  the  following  brief 
quotations  : 

Whether  one  may  use  equivocation  in  an  oath. 

Answer.  It  is  no  sin  to  swear  with  equivocation 
when  there  is  just  reason  for  it  and  equivocation  is 
allowed  ;  because  where  there  is  the  privilege  of 
concealing  the  truth  and  it  is  concealed  without  ly- 


248  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

ing,  no  irreverence  is  done  to  the  oath.  But  if  it  be 
done  without  just  reason,  it  will  not  even  then  be 
perjury  since  he  swears  truly,  according  to  some 
sense  of  the  words  or  mental  reservation.  Yet  from 
its  very  nature  it  will  be  a  deadly  sin  against  religion, 
since  it  is  an  act  of  grave  irreverence  to  use  an  oath 
for  the  purpose  of  deceiving  another  in  a  matter  of 
great  weight. 

He  commits  a  grievous  sin  who  uses  equivocation 
when  he  takes  oath  not  being  asked,  but  of  his  own 
accord  ;  because  then  he  is  held  to  use  words  ac- 
cording to  their  common  signification,  inasmuch  as 
he  has  no  reason  for  using  equivocation. 

He  also  sins  grievously  who  uses  equivocation 
when  an  oath  is  justly  demanded,  as  by  a  judge  or 
a  superior  in  a  weighty  matter. 

It  is  lawful  to  take  equivocation  if  an  oath  is  un- 
justly demanded,  e.  g.y  if  any  one  exact  an  oath  who 
has  not  the  right,  as  an  incompetent  judge,  or  if  he 
does  not  preserve  the  order  or  form  of  law.  Also  if 
the  oath  is  exacted  through  force,  injury  or  fear,  e.  g., 
if  a  husband  exact  an  oath  from  his  wife  in  regard 
to  hidden  adultery,  or  if  robbers  demand  ransom 
under  oath.  Vide  p.  in. 

What  is  allowed  a  judge  in  regard  to  bribes  f  (Q.  4, 

/.  360.) 

Ans.  i.  Although  he  who  receives  bribes  may 
sometimes  sin  either  by  reason  of  scandal  or  the 
danger  of  subverting  justice,  he  yet  acquires  the 
right  of  ownership  of  the  things  received,  in  the 
eyes  of  the  natural  law. 

Ans.  2.  Although  the  positive  law  forbids  the  ac- 
ceptance of  bribes,  still  the  receiver  is  not  held  to 


in  New  England.  249 

restitution  before  the  sentence  of  the  judge,  unless 
the  law  expressly  says  so,  because  the  acceptance 
was  not  only  illegal  but  also  invalid. 


CONFESSION.     (Pages  516  et 

Besides  completeness  (integritas)  these  three  con- 
ditions are  necessary  to  confession. 

i  st.  That  it  be  by  word  of  mouth  (vocalis)  &c. 

2d.  That  it  be  secret,  that  is,  made  to  the  priest 
alone  —  not  necessary  indeed  but  according  to  the 
usage  of  the  church.  Moreover,  public  confession,  as 
in  time  of  shipwreck,  or  battle  or  in  a  hospital  where 
many  are  near,  or  confession  made  through  an  inter- 
preter, is  not  binding  (at  least  as  regards  hidden  sins) 
upon  one  who,  at  the  point  of  death,  is  in  doubt  con- 
cerning his  contrition.  Even  then  it  is  enough  to 
confess  those  things  which  occasion  less  disgrace 
(infamiani}. 

3d.  That  it  be  true,  &c. 

It  is  not  a  mortal  sin  nor  does  it  render  the  Sacra- 
ment (Confession)  void  : 

i  st.  If  in  the  confession  you  lie  mildly  (mentiaris 
levited}  about  things  not  pertinent  or  not  necessary 
to  the  Sacrament,  for  instance,  if  you  tell  a  false  story 
or  deny  a  venial  or  mortal  sin  which  you  are  not  held 
to  confess. 

2d.  If  you  falsely  accuse  yourself  of  a  venial  sin; 
yet  this  will  become  a  grave  mortal  sin  if  you  do  this 
without  giving  some  instance,  since  you  thus  render 
the  form  void  and  also  the  Sacrament  ;  unless  you 
do  it  from  scrupulousness  or  confusion. 

May  one  sometimes  deny  the  true  faith  or  profess 
a  false  one  ?  (Chap.  3,  page  45.) 

32 


250  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

Ans.  In  no  case  is  it  allowed  whether  it  be  done 
with  voice  or  other  sign  since  Christ  says,  "  Whoso- 
ever shall  deny  me  before  men,  &c."  In  the  mean- 
time, however,  u  although  it  is  not  lawful  to  lie  or 
pretend  what  is  not ;  yet  it  is  lawful  to  conceal  what 
is  or  to  cover  up  the  truth  with  words  or  other  am- 
biguous signs,"  &c.  Shades  of  the  Martyrs  ! 

It  has  been  authoritatively  denied  that  the  Jesuits 
hold  or  have  held  that  the  end  justifies  the  means  ; 
yet  here  we  have  it  in  the  following  words  :  "  Cum 
finis  est  licitus,  etiam  media  sunt  licita :  When  the 
end  is  lawful  the  means  also  are  lawful.  This  single 
quotation  would  solve  every  difficulty  we  have  met 
with  in  trying  to  reconcile  with  contemporary  history 
many  erroneous  statements  of  Rale,  De  la  Chasse 
and  Charlevoix ;  indeed,  if  we  could  know  that  Rale 
accepted  this  as  absolutely  true  in  letter  and  spirit, 
and  by  his  oath  he  was  bound  to  so  accept  it,  we 
could  not  be  blamed  for  believing  the  wildest  stories, 
which  were  circulated  about  him  by  our  Puritan  an- 
cestors, but  which  we  have  avoided  repeating  in  these 
pages,  because  they  are  not  accompanied  by  proofs. 
It  is  more  reasonable  and  certainly  more  agreeable 
to  believe,  that  Rale  was  an  earnest,  self-sacrificing 
man,  whose  whole  heart  was  moved  to  establish  the 
kingdom  of  Christ  in  the  world,  but  whose  mind  was 
so  involved  in  the  meshes  of  a  false  system  of  re- 
ligious philosophy,  as  to  be  incapable  of  just  judg- 
ment. In  conclusion  it  is  but  just  to  say,  that  Busen- 
baum's  Medulla  contains  very  many  acceptable 
truths,  as  well  as  many  unacceptable  ones. 


in  New  England.  251 

finished   letter,    which    Rale  was  writing  to   De   la 
Chasse,  as  follows : 

"  NORRIDGWALK,  23d  Allg*.   N.   S.,    12   O.   S.1 

"Mv  REVEREND  FATHER, 

"  My  people  are  returned  from  their  last  Expedi' 
tion,  wherein  one  of  their  Bravest  Champions  was 
killed.  Believing  there  were  above  two  hundred 
English  divided  in  three  Parties  or  Bands  to  drive 
them  out  of  their  Camp,  And  expecting  a  further 
number  to  Enforce  them  in  order  to  ruin  all  the 

Corn  in  the  Fields  without  doubt But  I   said  to 

them,  how  Could  that  be,  Seeing  we  are  daily  Sur- 
rounding &  making  Inroads  upon  them  everywhere 
in  the  midst  of  their  Land,  and  they  not  coming  out 
of  their  Fort,  which  they  have  upon  your  own  Land, 
Besides  in  all  the  War  you  have  had  with  them,  did 
you  ever  see  them  Come  to  Attack  you  in  the  Spring, 
Summer  or  in  the  fall ;  when  they  knew  you  were  in 
your  habitations.  You  know  it,  You  Say  Yourselves 
that  they  never  did,  but  when  they  knew  you  were 
not,  but  when  you  were  in  the  Woods.  For  if 

1  This  is  a  contemporary  translation.  The  letter 
may  be  found  in  the  Office  of  the  Public  Records, 
London,  where  it  was  copied  by  the  author,  verbatim 
et  literatim. 


252  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

they  knew  there  were  but  fifteen  or  twelve  Men 
men  in  your  dwellings  they  dare  not  Approach  you 
with  One  hundred.  We  told  you  after  the  fall  fight 
of  Ke-Ke-penagliesek  that  the  English  would  come 
with  the  Nation  of  Iroquois  to  Revenge  themselves. 
You  Opposed  it  and  said  they  should  not,  and  yet 
they  did,  you  see  now  whether  You  are  in  the 
right." 

"  I  had  Reason  to  Believe  it  Founded  on  the 
Kings. word;  who  could  ever  think  that  he  should 
forge  such  a  falsehood  &  how  should  I  then  Answer 
a  Right.  And  it  was  to  make  good  their  false  De- 
signs that  they  came  here  to  show  themselves  as 
Master  of  your  Land  (contrary  to  my  Expectation) 
where  they  would  not  have  a  Romish  Priest  to  dwell. 
And  if  they  did  not  burn  the  Church,  it  is  that  I  did 
send  them  Word  in  your  behalf,  that  if  they  should 
burn  it,  you  should  burn  all  their  Temples.  There- 
fore there  was  an  Order  to  the  officer  not  to  burn 
anything.  They  hearken  to  all  my  Reasons  afore- 
going, but  follow  their  own.  They  Design  to  quit 
the  Village  for  a  fortnight,  and  to  go  five  or  Six 
Leagues  up  the  River,  they  proposed  it  to  me,  and  I 
have  Given  my  Consent.  When  I  spoke  to  them 
on  such  an  Occasion  I  Declared  my  thought,  with- 
out Obliging  them  to  follow  the  same ;  But  De- 


in  New  England.  253 

clared  to  them  that  I  was  ready  to  follow  their  own. 
It  is  but  a  few  days  since  we  came  to  the  Village 
and  the  last  are  arrived  this  morning. 

"  The  day  before  yesterday  arrived  a  party  of  the 
Becancourians  being  nine  in  number,  but  I  have  no 
dependence  on  them.  But  my  Dependence  is  upon 
Kounaouons,  the  former  being  favourers  of  the  Eng- 
lish. Yesterday  12  or  15  Pannaouanskeians  four 
Hurons  with  One  wounded  arrived  here  almost 
Starved --Therefore  they  must  be  Supplied  tho  the 
Corn  is  not  Ripe.  They  must  take  it  as  it  is,  for  we 
are  almost  reduced  to  a  Famine  Provisions  being  so 
Scarce.  As  for  my  self  thro  the  Grace  of  God  I 
have  gathered  in  the  most  part  of  my  Field  and 
Husked  the  same,  which  is  now  a  drying;  for  I  can 
expect  none  or  little  from  the  Savages. 

"  Three  Hurones  are  this  morning  to  depart,  and 
go  into  the  War  with  Becancouriens ;  The  Panna- 
ouanskeians Desired  the  Hurones  to  carry  away 
their  wounded.  Say  they,  '  You  seek  nothing  but 
Scalps,  there  is  five  which  we  give  you.'  They  have 
had  some  likewise  in  this  Village,  &  are  to  depart  to 
morrow  Morning.  My  own  People  are  also  to  de- 
part and  are  now  Deliberately  Consulting  whether 
they  shall  Joyn  with  the  Becancouriens  Ratio  Dubi- 
tando  Est.  That  the  Ouarinakiens  have  not  Acted 


254  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

against  the  English  Save  one  of  them,  that  the  Eng- 
lish should  have  no  Occasion  to  Complain  of  them ; 
for  Kounaouans  who  is  of  this  Village  has  all  along 
been  with  them.  The  Ouarinakiens  said  when  my 
People  came  to  War  that  they  Joyn  with  the  Nor- 
ridgwalks  who  follow  the  English  very  close  by  fre- 
quent discharge  of  their  peeces  when  the  others 
keep  at  a  distance.  And  when  they  return  they 
would  take  all  the  honour  of  the  War  to  themselves, 
which  is  very  displeasing  to  my  people,  who  are  De- 
serving of  the  true  Honour  Therefore  they  Con- 
clude to  go  by  themselves  in  different  Parties  as  I 
had  advised  them. 

"  It  is  therefore  for  the  same  Reason  that  they 
did  let  the  Hurones  go  by  themselves.  At  their 
Arrival  here,  there  was  a  Party  ready  to  Embark  ; 
And  I  advised  my  People  that  two  of  them  should 
go  as  a  Guard  to  the  Hurones  Ousauniones  and 
Mathiru  are  to  Joyn  them.  But  my  People  Come 
and  tell  me  that  the  Hurones  being  in  Company 
with  them  before  used  to  say  in  Canada  That  the 
Norridgwalks  were  but  women  in  the  War  &c.  I 
am  sure  said  I  that  is  a  Calumny  that  the  Hurones 
Cast  upon  them,  they  have  no  reason  to  say  any 
such  thing.  They  have  seen  you  in  the  Action  and 
you  have  Given  them  several  scalps  &c.  But  they 


in  New  England.  255 

know  the  way  &  tell  us  every  Spot,  however  let  them 
go  by  themselves. 

"  I  just  now  received  a  Letter  from  Father  Lover- 
jat  with  Four  Codd  fish  out  of  Eight  he  sent  me. 
The  Bears1  have  Eat  four  by  the  way,  and  said  it 
was  a  Case  of  necessity  being  for  want  of  Provisions. 
Tho  their  Village  is  full  of  Codd  fish  out  of  15  or  16 
Vessels  they  have  taken.  The  Father  sent  me 
Word  that  by  a  suitable  Opportunity  he  shall  send 
me  more  And  hath  sent  me  word  that  they  have 
newly  taken  three  Vessels  &  killed  ten  Men,  some 
on  the  Spot  and  others  by  reason  they  revolted  from 
those  who  had  spared  their  lives  &c.  They  have 
Attempted  to  burn  the  Fort  of  St.  George  by  two 
fire  Shipps  or  Vessels,  but  for  want  of  Wind  they 
miscarried.  The  fire  began  to  take  the  Wood  part 
of  the  Fort,  whereupon  they  heard  the  English  make 
a  great  Cry  &  Lamentation  some  of  them  coming 
out  of  the  Fort  to  Attempt  to  Extinguish  the  fire, 
which  the  Indians  Could  not  kill  by  reason  of  their 
being  posted  on  the  Contrary  side,  they  not  foresee- 
ing that  the  English  Could  Come  out  of  the  Fort  on 
that  side.  The  fire  of  one  of  the  Vessels  went  out 
soon  of  itself  and  the  English  had  it. 

1  Bearers. 


256  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

"  After  that  nine  of  the  Indians  went  off  in  a  Ves- 
sel, where  they  were  Attacked  by  two  English  Ves- 
sels, they  Engaged  for  some  time ;  And  the  Indians 
having  no  more  powder  Attempted  to  Board  one  of 
them,  but  they  Shunned  it.  Wherefore  the  Indians 
were  Obliged  to  retire  Eleven  other  Indians  went  in 
a  Vessel  and  espied  two  English  Vessels  in  the 
Road,  &  went  to  plunder  them,  but  seeing  they 
were  full  of  People  and  themselves  not  able  to  stand 
them,  did  save  themselves  by  swimming  a  shoar  & 
leaving  their  vessel.  Says  the  Father  I  attribute  the 
Bad  Success  to  their  .Ungratefulness  to  God  and 
their  Disobedience  to  me.  A  Vessel  said  he  which 
comes  from  Mines  for  to  bring  us  Provision  said 
that  an  English  Man  Assured  him  that  they  had  a 
very  great  Inclination  for  Peace  at  Boston  ;  And  he 
doubted  not  but  it  would  be  Concluded  next  fall, 
which  appears  very  Probable  because  a  Vessel  which 
went  from  here  to  Boston  to  bring  a  Ransom  for  the 
Prisoners  that  are  here  is  not  returned,  notwithstand- 
ing the  time  is  a  great  deal  Expired,  And  I  have 
Answered  them  that  did  not  agree  with  the  Council 
D'Orange  that  were  Resolute  to  keep  their  Land  I 
further  said  That  I  would  never  permit  my  People 
to  receive  a  Ransom  for  those  they  take,  for  there  is 
not  one  but  would  Ransom  himself,  and  if  we  should 


in  New  England.  257 

harken  to  it,  the  English  would  never  think  to  re- 
turn the  Land  for  the  loss  of  their  People,  that  they 
would  easily  buy  &c. 

"  The  Father  Loyard  wrote  to  him  that  his  People 
with  the  Mickemacks  have  been  in  two  Parties  to 
make  an  Attempt  upon  the  English  at  Port  Royal ; 
one  of  those  Parties  Attackt  the  Fort  it  self,  where 
they  did  kill  Six  Men  &  burnt  two  Houses  after  they 
had  plundered  them,  the  other  party  is  not  yet  re- 
turned back. 

"  My  People  are  Absolutely  willing  to  Return  to 
those  Forts  where  one  of  our  Brave  Champions  was 
killed  in  the  last  Party. 

"  I  am  very  glad  that  Mr.  Lieutenant  hath  Accepted 
my  present.  They  have  brought  me  my  Chocolate. 
The  two  Bills  that  James  was  to  have  brought  with 
him  are  Cast  away  by  over  setting  a  Canno.  I  am 
well  stock'd  with  Chocolate  for  a  long  time,  which  I 
came  easily  by,  &  it  shall  not  be  presently  Carried 
away  for  it  is  very  weighty.  As  for  the  Remaining 
part  you  keep  for  me  it  may  be  it  troubles  you  as 
much,  as  it  would  trouble  me  if  I  had  it.  The  Father 
Dupy  had  a  Warehouse  where  I  put  all  the  woolen 
linen  Shot  &  powder  as  well  as  the  Blanketting  & 
gun  you  got  for  me  since  the  Canno  of  the  Hurones 
was  here  I  added  those  things  to  his  Merchandize 
33 


258  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

for  him  to  make  the  best  profit.  As  for  me  I  am 
Contented  &  I  think  well  paid.  The  Wine  shall  be 
put  into  the  Cellar  to  be  mixt  wth  that  of  the  House. 
If  the  Tobacco  were  here  it  should  be  put  into  ye 
Magazine. 

"  I  am  very  much  Obliged  to  you  my  Rev.  Father 
for  the  Care  you  take  of  me,  You  are  willing  I 
should  live  as  a  Chanoine  till  the  Spring  by  the 
plentiful  supply  that  you  have  sent  me  by  Pauscawen. 
I  have  yet  considerable  for  my  self  for  the  Winter, 
since  they  sent  me  some  Wine  I  take  a  glass  after 
my  Mass  but  I  dont  find  it  keeps  me  so  well  as  a 
Dram  of  Brandy  I  want  nothing  but  Spanish  Wine 
for  the  Mass.  I  have  enough  for  myself  for  above 
12  months.  Therefore  I  pray  the  3d.  time  to  send 
me  no  more  Wine.  I  shall  send  for  more  when  I 
want  it."1 

The  French  account  of  the  affair  at  Norridgewock 
differs  materially  from  the  English  account,  which 
was  carefully  compiled  by  Hutchinson  from  the  per- 
sonal testimony  of  the  chief  actors  in  the  drama. 
That  the  French  account  is  a  tissue  of  errors  is  seen 
by  a  brief  examination  of  its  details  ;  indeed  it  could 

1  This  letter  is  marked  "  Not  finished,"  and  bears 
the  following  attestation  :  Examined  from  the  Trans- 
lation in  the  Secretary's  Office,  per  J.  Willard,  Sec'y." 


in  New  England.  259 

not  be  otherwise,  when  we  consider  its  source.  Not 
a  single  European  witnessed  the  affair  except  the 
English  ;  hence  the  dramatic  recital  of  de  la  Chasse, 
adopted  by  Charlevoix,  was  based  upon  the  stories 
of  savages  half  crazed  with  excitement,  and  always 
notoriously  unreliable  in  their  statements,  as  Rale 
himself  regarded  them.  It  may  be  well  to  notice 
some  of  these  accuracies.  Charlevoix  gives  the  num- 
ber of  Harmon  and  Moulton's  men  as  eleven  hun 
dred.  This  is  no  typographical  error,  as  his  editor 
has  suggested,1  for  it  is  not  in  figures,  but  plainly, 
"  ouze  cens  hommes" 2  As  a  matter  of  fact,  there  were 
in  both  Harmon  and  Moulton's  commands  but  one 
hundred  and  seventy-one  men,  forty  of  the  two  hun- 
dred and  eleven  who  marched  from  Fort  Richmond 
having  been  left  to  guard  the  boats,  and  in  the 
attacking  party  there  could  not  have  been  over  a 
hundred.  De  la  Chasse  speaks  of  the  English  force 
as  "  une  petite  armie  d' Anglo  is  &  de  Sauvages"^ 
while  Charlevoix  says  that  it  was  composed  of  "part 
English  and  part  Indians,"4  and  that  more  than 


1  Vide  note  in  Shea's  Charlevoix. 
8  Vide    Lettres  Edifiantes  et  Curieuses,   letter  of 
de  la  Chasse,  where  it  is  so  given. 
8  Ibid. 
4  Shea's  Charlevoix. 


260  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

two  thousand  shots,  *'  De  plus  de  deux  mille  coups  de 
fusil''  were  fired  upon  the  savages.  We  know  that 
there  were  but  three  savages  in  the  expedition,  and 
as  the  fight  was  speedily  over,  thesta  tement  of  the 
number  of  shots  fired  must  have  been  grossly  ex- 
aggerated. 

We  are  also  told  that  Rale  went  fearlessly  to  meet 
the  assailants,  in  the  hope  of  drawing  all  their  attention 
upon  himself,  and  thus  saving  his  flock  at  the  peril 
of  his  own  life  ;  that  he  was  immediately  fired  upon 
by  the  English,  and  that  seven  Indians  who  accom- 
panied him  in  order  to  shield  him  with  their  bodies, 
were  slain  beside  him.  Shea,  the  Roman  Catholic 
historian,  a  careful  and  conscientious  writer,  realized 
the  incorrectness  of  this  statement,  and  in  a  note  to 
his  translation  of  Charlevoix,  alluding  to  the  English 
statement  that  Rale  was  killed  in  the  cabin  he  was 
defending,  and  to  several  doubtful  stories  concluding 
with  that  of  Jaques,  that  he  refused  quarter,  he  says, 
"  Moulton  doubted  the  last  statement,  and  we  may 
well  doubt  the  rest,  beyond  the  fact  that  he  was  killed 
in  a  cabin  from  which  a  vigorous  defense  was  made" 

Shea  appreciated  the  importance  of  the  fact,  that 
Lieut.  Jaques  would  not  have  acknowledged  the 
slaying  of  Rale,  especially  against  his  superior's 
orders,  unless  he  had  really  slain  him.  The  excuse 


in  New  England.  261 

which  the  lieutenant  offered  in  palliation  of  his  act, 
when  his  commander  arraigned  him  for  killing  Rale 
in  a  cabin,  when  he  ought  to  have  taken  him  prisoner, 
to  the  effect  that  the  priest  refused  to  give  or  take 
quarter,  Moulton,  angry  at  having  an  order  diso- 
beyed, would  not  accept ;  but  he  never  doubted  that 
Jaques  committed  the  act,  and  in  spite  of  the  blame 
attached  to  him  for  it,  Jaques  never  denied  it,  but 
went  to  his  grave  the  self-acknowledged  slayer  of 
Rale.  Hence  none  can  reasonably  doubt  that  Rale 
was  slain  by  Jaques,  nor  that  he  was  slain  in  a  cabin 
which  was  being  defended.1  Had  de  la  Chasse's 
story,  told  him,  as  before  remarked,  by  some  excited 
savage,  been  true,  that  he  was  fired  upon  by  a  gen- 
eral discharge  of  guns,  especially  directed  against 

1  A  piece  of  independent  evidence  is  furnished  by 
the  statement  of  Benjamin  Larrabee  of  Scarborough, 
who  was  in  Moulton's  command.  Some  time  before, 
a  band  of  the  Norridgewock  tribe,  on  one  of  their 
murderous  raids,  had  sought  his  home  and  killed  his 
father  and  brother.  While  the  savages  were  flying 
from  the  village,  young  Larrabee  rushed  into  a  cabin, 
where  he  saw  Rale,  but  as  he  was  eager  to  avenge 
himself  upon  the  savages  for  the  loss  of  his  relatives, 
he  left  the  priest  unmolested  and  followed  the  rapidly 
disappearing  enemy.  Returning  somewhat  later,  he 
found  Rale  lying  dead  in  the  cabin  where  he  had 
seen  him  a  short  time  before. 


262  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

him  by  the  English,  there  would  not  have  been  men 
wanting  to  refute  Jaques's  story,  nor  would  there 
have  been  occasion  for  Moulton  to  doubt  that  Rale 
refused  to  give  or  take  quarter.  De  la  Chasse's 
statement  that  Rale's  body  was  mutilated  is  doubt- 
less true  ;  for  if  he  was  shot  through  the  head  and 
scalped,  this  would  have  been  mutilation  sufficient 
to  account  for  the  appearance  of  the  body,  and  we 
need  not  for  a  moment  entertain  the  shocking  sug- 
gestion that  it  was  maliciously  mutilated  after  death. 
The  French  report  of  the  number  of  savages  who 
lost  their  lives  at  Norridgewock,  namely,  seven  men, 
seven  women  and  fourteen  children,  is  doubtless 
correct.  Some  of  the  latter  were  probably  drowned 
in  the  confusion  of  crossing  the  river.  If  but  seven 
men  in  all  were  killed,  then  none  were  killed  by  all 
the  firing  but  de  la  Chasse's  seven  mythical  heroes, 
who  shielded  Rale  with  their  own  bodies.1  De  la 
Chasse's  statement,  that  the  English,  after  the  vic- 
tory, fled  as  if  smitten  by  a  panic,  is  in  harmony 

1  These  seven  included  Bomazeen,  who  was  killed 
before  the  party  reached  Norridgewock.  Penhallow 
supposes  the  number  of  savages  who  were  killed  and 
drowned  at  Norridgewock  to  have  been  eighty,  and 
writers  generally  have  accepted  this  opinion.  The 
savages,  however,  from  whom  the  French  accounts 
came,  would  not  have  been  likely  to  understate  their 


in  New  England.  263 

with  his  other  statements,  and  partakes  of  the  over- 
wrought credulity   of  an   age  in  which  men   of  all 

loss,   and  were  in   a  better  position  to  know  their 
number  than  the  English. 

The  following  is  from  the  Massachusetts  Archives: 

At  a  Council  held  at  the  Council  Chamber  in 
Boston,  on  Saturday,  August  22,  1724. 

Captain  Johnson  Harman  being  arrived  from  the 
Eastward  with  twenty-seven  Indian  scalps,  together 
with  the  scalp  of  Sebastian  Ralle  the  Jesuit  and 
Missionary  among  the  Norridgewock  Indians,  and 
the  Standard  of  ye  sd  Tribe  of  Indians,  was  directed 
to  attend  in  Council.  And  there  gave  a  short  Nar- 
rative of  his  March  to  Norridgewock  (with  four 
companies  of  Soldiers  under  his  command)  &  of  his 
Action  at  the  sd  Place  the  twelfth  instant,  where  he 
destroyed  a  great  number  of  the  enemey,  many  of 
whom  being  slain  or  drown'd  in  the  River,  he  could 
not  recover  their  bodies. 

His  Honour  the  Lieut1  Governour  in  consideration 
of  the  extraordinary  Service  of  the  sd  Captain  Har- 
man, presented  him  with  a  Commission  for  Lieut1 
Colonel  of  His  Majesty's  Forces  Eastward  under  the 
Command  of  Coll0  Thomas  Westbrook. 

Coll.  Johnson  Harman  made  solemn  oath  that  the 
Twenty  seven  scalps  above  ment'd  (which  were  pro- 
duced in  Council)  were  the  Scalps  of  Rebel  or 
Enemy  Indians  slain  by  him  and  the  Forces  under 
his  Command,  and  that  they  had  taken  Four  Indians 
Prisoners. 

Coll0  Johnson  Harman  likewise  made  oath  that 
the  other  Scalp  was  the  Scalp  of  Sebastian  Ralle  a 
Jesuit  who  appeared  at  the  Head  of  the  Indians  and 


264  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

creeds  saw  in  every  event  a  miraculous  interposition 
of  Providence  in  their  own  behalf. 

Shea  admits  that  it  is  not  easy  to  form  an  opinion 
in  Rale's  case,  and  that  he  "  apparently  advised  the 

obstinately  resisted  the  Forces,  wounding  sevel  of  the 
English  &  resolutely  refusing  to  give  or  take 
Quarter. 

Then  follows  a  recital  of  the  vote  of  the  General 
Assembly  to  encourage  the  bringing  Sebastian  Ralle, 
passed  July  13,  1720. 

"  This  Court  being  credibly  informed  that  Monsr 
Ralle  the  Jesuit,  residing  among  the  Eastern  Indians 
has  not  only  on  several  occasions  of  late  affronted 
His  Majestys  Government  of  this  Province  but  has 
also  been  the  Incendiary  that  has  instigated  and 
stirred  up  those  Indians  to  treat  His  Majestys  sub- 
jects settling  there  in  the  abusive  insolent  hostile 
manner  that  they  have  done,  Resolved  that  a  Pre- 
mium of  One  Hundred  pounds  be  allowed  and  paid 
out  of  the  Public  Treasury  to  any  person  that  shall 
apprehend  the  sd  Jesuit  within  any  part  of  this  Prov- 
ince &  bring  him  to  Boston  &  render  him  to  Justice." 

A  Warrant  was  made  for  the  Treasurer  to  pay  the 
sd  sum  of  100  pounds  to  Johnson  Harman  for  his 
service  in  the  destruction  of  sd  Sebastian  Ralle.  Vol. 
8,  Council  Records,  pages  71  and  72. 

Col.  Westbrook  in  his  report  to  Governor  Dum- 
mer  gives  the  same  number  of  scalps  and  says : 
"  Cap1.  Harman  and  the  officers  Judge  that  by  the 
modestest  Computation,  besides  the  Scalps  and  Cap- 
tives they  brought  in,  what  they  kill'd  and  drownded, 
there  would  not  be  less  than  thirty  or  forty."  Mass. 
Arch.  52:  34. 


in  New  England.  265 

Indians  that  war  was  just."  Any  one  who  carefully 
studies  the  subject,  will  inevitably  reach  the  latter 
conclusion,  and  however  much  he  may  admire  Rale's 
devotion  and  faithfulness  to  his  calling,  and  his  readi- 
ness to  sacrifice  his  life  in  the  performance  of  what 
he  believed  to  be  his  duty,  he  must  finally  regard 
him  as  an  agent  of  the  -French  Government,  exciting 
the  savages  against  the  English  settlers,  and  an  agent 
rendered  doubly  active  by  his  abhorrence  of  the  Eng- 
lishman's heresy.  This  is  amply  proved  by  his  letters, 
which  partake  of  the  character  of  much  contemporary 
writing.  Crimination  and  recrimination  were  com- 
mon between  partisans  then,  as  now.  The  French 
condemned  the  English  people  because  a  few  rascally 
traders  sold  fire  water  to  the  savages ;  yet,  the 
French  minister  at  Versailles  did  not  hesitate  to  tell 
Vaudreuil,  when  the  latter  advised  the  king  that  it 
was  necessary  to  fortify  Niagara,  because  the  English, 
backed  by  the  Iroquois,  were  too  powerful  for  him, 
that  he  could  at  least  craze  the  savages  by  dosing 
them  with  brandy;1  and  yet,  Vaudreuil,  according 
to  his  epitaph  in  the  Cathedral  of  Quebec,  was  "  le 
haut  et  puissant  Seigneur  &  Grand  Croix  del'  order 
militaire  de  St.  Louis,  Governeur  et  Lieutenant 
General  de  toute  la  Nouvelle  France."  The  English, 

1  Vide  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc. 
34 


266  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

too,  were  arraigned  for  their  barbarity  in  placing  a 
bounty  on  savage  scalps,  when  so  brisk  at  one  time 
had  become  the  traffic  in  scalps,  English  and  Iro- 
quois  alike,  in  New  France,  that  the  French  began 
to  doubt  if  all  the  European  scalps  presented  for 
bounty  were  really  English,  as  it  was  impossible  to 
distinguish  an  English  from  a  French  scalp,  and 
it  was  shrewdly  suspected  at  Montreal,  that  their 
savage  friends,  finding  it  more  convenient,  were 
surreptitiously  despoiling  Frenchmen  of  their  cheve- 
lures.1 

Such  is  weak  human  nature,  and  we  must  not 
wonder  to  find  zealous  partisans,  especially  of  a 
century  or  two  ago,  exaggerating  or  even  suppressing 
facts,  as  we  find  Charlevoix  among  others  doing, 
when  we  study  the  sources  from  which  he  drew  his 
material. 

In  conclusion,  Rale  cannot  be  properly  denomi- 
nated a  martyr,  nor  the  English  murderers.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  he  was  killed  in  the  excitement 
of  battle,  while  in  a  building  from  which  a  defense 
was  being  made,  and  against  the  intentions  of  the 
English  commander.  Yet  there  has  been  a  great 
deal  of  sentimental  writing  on  the  subject,  based  on 

1  Vide  Relation  de  Jesuits. 


in  New  England.  267 

the  account  of  de  la  Chasse,1  while  the  unwarrantable 
killing  of  Dummer,  Rolfe,  and  Willard,2  three  Eng- 
lish divines,  who  were  quietly  pursuing  their  peace- 
ful labors,  has  hardly  been  noticed  by  our  writers,  in 
spite  of  Gov.  Dummer's  manly  letter  to  Vaudreuil  in 
response  to  his  accusation  of  murder  against  the 
English  for  Rale's  death. 

1  Although  there   is  but  a  single  original  French 
account  of  the  attack  on  Norridgewock  and  slaying 
of  Rale,  this  of  de  la  Chasse,  it  has  served  as  a  basis  for 
many  accounts  among  which  the  student  may  profit- 
ably consult,  Nouvelles  des  Missions  ;   Missions  de 
1'Amerique ;   Die   Katholisches  Kuche   in    dem    Ve- 
reinigten   Staten  ;    Les  Jesuits   Martyrs  de  Canada 
Bibliogr.      Patrignani   Menologie,  23  agosto,  p.  190, 
Cassani  Varones,  ilustres.  t.  I.  pp.  677,  679.     Annales 
de  la  Propagation  de  la  foi.  t.  I.  p.  177.      Brasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  Hist  du  Canada.  Penhallowand  Hutchin- 
son  who  base   their  account  of  the  affair  upon   the 
statements   of    Moulton    and    Harmon,  furnish    the 
basis  for  the  English  accounts. 

2  Rev.  Shubael   Dummer  was  a  graduate  of   Har- 
vard College  and  was  fifty-six  years  of  age  when  slain. 
His  wife,  a  delicate  and  refined  woman,  was  taken 
prisoner  with  their  son  ;  but  was  given  her  freedom 
by  the  savages.     Turning  back  she  begged  piteously 
for  the  release  of  her  son  which  was  refused  and  she 
was  sent  away.     Again  she  returned  urged  by  grief 
and  fears  to  pray  for  her  son's  release,  and  was  told 
that   since  she  desired  captivity  she  should  be  grati- 
fied.    The  hardships  of  savage  captivity  soon  put  an 


268  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

With  a  reticence  respecting  the  cruel  killing, 
some  years  before,  of  his  reverend  uncle,  which  shows 
more  than  words  could  show  his  weariness  of  such 
hypercriticism,  he  limited  himself  to  a  simple  statement 
of  fact,  and  told  the  Frenchmen,  "  that  had  Ralle 
Confined  himself  unto  the  professed  Duty  of  his 
function,  viz,  to  Instruct  the  Indians  in  the  Christian 
Religion,"  and  had  not  instigated  them  "  to  War  and 
Rapine,  there  might  have  been  some  ground  of  com- 
plaint ;  But  when  instead  of  preaching  Peace,  Love 
and  Friendship  Agreeable  to  the  Doctrines  of  the 
Christian  Religion  he  had  been  a  constant  and  No- 
torious Fermentor  &  Incendiary  to  the  Indians  to 
kill,  burn  and  Destroy  "  as  appeared  by  "many  Origi- 
nal Letters  and  Manuscripts,"  which  he  had  before 
him,  had  often  "  appeared  at  the  head  of  a  great 
number  of  Indians  in  a  hostile  manner,  threatening 
and  Insulting,  publicly  assaulting"  the  English,  and 
if,  after  all  this,  "  such  an  Incendiary  "  had  "  happened 

end  to  her  suffering.  Rev.  Benjamin  Rolfe  was  also 
a  graduate  of  Harvard  and  had  been  settled  at  Haver- 
hill  fourteen  years  when  he  was  killed.  The  Rev. 
Joseph  Willard  was  a  graduate  of  Yale,  and  had  but 
a  short  time  before  been  ordained  at  Rutland.  He 
was  surprised  near  the  village  and  having  a  gun  de- 
fended himself,  but  was  overpowered  and  slain  and 
his  scalp  carried  to  Quebec. 


in  New  England.  269 

to  be  slain  in  the  heat  of  action  "  among  the  "  open 
and  Declared  Enemies  "  of  the  English,  no  one  could 
"be  blamed  therefor  but  himself."  Moreover,  he 
said  to  the  disingenuous  Frenchman,  "  I  think  I  have 
much  greater  cause  to  Complain,  that  Mr.  Willard 
the  minister  of  Rutland  (who  never  had  been  guilty 
of  the  facts  charged  upon  Mr.  Ralle  *  &  applied  him- 
self solely  to  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel),  was  by 
the  Indians  you  sent  to  Attack  that  Town,  Assaulted, 

Ht  will  be  seen  that  Gov.  Dummer  places  an  ac- 
cent on  the  final  e  in  Rale's  name.  In  English  cor- 
respondence it  appears  as  Ralley,  and  in  the  Jesuit 
priest's  book  found  at  Norridgewock  the  name  is 
written  Ralle,  which  shows  that  it  was  so  pronounced 
by  the  English,  while  in  French  correspondence  of 
the  time  the  accent  appears.  The  writer  has  there- 
fore adopted  the  spelling  used  by  Rale  himself,  with 
the  accent,  although  the  accent  does  not  appear  in 
his  autograph  as  printed.  The  original  of  this  auto- 
graph is,  unfortunately,  lost ;  but  if  Rale  even,  and 
not  the  copyist,  omitted  the  accent,  it  would  not 
prove  the  incorrectness  of  its  use  to  one  familiar  with 
the  carelessness  of  the  best  writers  of  a  century  or 
more  ago.  To  show,  however,  how  common  it  is, 
even  in  our  own  time  to  omit  the  accent,  the  case  of 
Pierre  Soule,  M.  C.,  from  Louisiana,  may  be  cited. 
Although  he  always  pronounced  his  name  as  if  spelt 
Sulay,  many  of  his  associates  in  Congress  persisted  in 
pronouncing  it  as  if  spelt  Sole,  and  the  newspapers 
almost  invariably  printed  it  as  if  so  spelt  ;  indeed,  he 
is  commonly  referred  to  now  as  Mr.  Soule. 


270  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

slain  &  scalpt  &  his  scalp  Carried  in  Triumph  to 
Quebec."  A  misdirected  spirit  of  charity,  springing 
perhaps  out  of  a  desire  to  show  the  world  that  we 
disavow  participation  in  the  prejudices  of  our  fore- 
fathers, has  caused  a  too  copious  gush  of  sympathy 
for  the  subjects  of  their  animosity,  without,  perhaps, 
a  sufficiently  careful  consideration  of  the  causes  of 
that  sentiment. 

But  to  reverse  our  point  of  view ;  suppose  Dum- 
mer,  Rolfe  or  Willard,  or  perhaps,  better,  Mather, 
for  he  was  better  known,  and  better  represented  the 
extreme  type  of  the  New  England  divine ;  suppose 
Cotton  Mather  had  accompanied  bands  of  savage 
Iroquois,  who  were  neighbors  and  inimical  to  the 
French,  to  attack  their  settlements  in  a  time  of  peace 
between  his  country  and  theirs  ;  had  not  only  en- 
couraged them  in  their  bloody  designs,  but  had, 
after  the  destruction  of  their  ho'mes  and  the  slaying  of 
their  friends,  conducted  his  hated  services  before  the 
eyes  of  the  suffering  Catholic  prisoners  ;  nay  more, 
had  as  Rale  says  he  himself  did,  displayed  himself  to 
the  French,  who  with  their  wives  and  little  ones 
were  shut  up  in  their  block  houses,  while  their 
homes  were  blazing  around  them,  merely  "  to  pleas- 
ure them,"  and  increase  their  fury  against  him  ;  and, 
if  at  some  time,  he  had  been  slain  among  his  sav- 


in  New  England,  271 

ages,  no  matter  under  what  circumstances,  how 
would  the  case  have  then  stood  ?  Would  Mather 
have  been  considered  a  martyr  ?  Suppose,  too,  that 
the  French  commander,  a  man  who  had  proved  him- 
self to  be  prudent  and  humane  as  Moulton  had, 
after  all  this  provocation,  had  expressed  regret  that 
Mather  was  killed,  and  blamed  his  subordinate,  who 
averred  that  the  act  was  done  in  self-defense,  should 
we  have  signalized  him  as  a  murderer? 

Some  doubt  has  been  thrown  upon  the  burial  of 
the  body  of  Rale  the  next  day  after  he  was  killed. 
That  the  savages  were  demoralized  and  fled  precipi- 
tately from  the  scene  of  ruin  is  shown  by  Vaudreuil's 
report  to  the  king  of  their  arrival  in  Canada.  This 
fact  coupled  with  an  expression  in  a  letter  from  the 
king  to  Vaudreuil,  that  he  loved  Rale  too  much  to 
leave  him  longer  without  being  covered,  and,  in  a 
subsequent  letter  two  years  later,  that  he  was  glad 
to  learn  that  his  orders  to  cover  the  body  of  Rale 
had  been  executed,  naturally  raises  the  question 
whether  the  savages  returned  immediately  and 
buried  the  body  as  described  by  de  la  Chasse.  A 
careful  consideration  of  the  subject  leads  to  the 
opinion  that  some  of  the  savages  returned  to  their 
ruined  village  after  the  departure  of  the  English, 
and  secured  by  burial  the  body  of  their  priest,  and 


272  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

that  subsequently,  de  la  Chasse  may  have  gone  to 
Norridgewock  with  a  company  of  his  converts  to 
conduct  there  such  ceremonial  services  as  he  deemed 
appropriate.  The  whole  question  rests  upon  the  exact 
meaning  of  the  word  couvrir  as  used  by  the  king.1 

101  These  expressions  are  as  follows  :  "Sa  Majeste 
a  ete  fdchee  de  la  mort  du  Pere  Rasle,  missionaire 
des  Ab6nagnis  de  Narantsouak  qui  a  ete  tu6  pas 
les  Anglois.  Elle  1'affectionoit  trop  pour  le  laisser 
plus  longtemps  sans  etre  couvert,  et  son  intention 
est  que  le  Sieur  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  prenne  les 
mesures  necessaires  pour  le  faire  couvrir,  et  pour  cet 
effet  qu'il  invoie  des  collieres  aux  villages  Abinakis  de 
St.  Francois,  de  Becaucourt,  Panaouamske  et  Medoc- 
tek  avec  1 5  couvertes  et  40  livres  de  tabac  pour  chacun 
de  ces  villages,  que  le  Sieur  de  Chazel  fera  delivrer 
des  magazines.  Le  Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  chargera  de 
cette  expedition  quelques  officiers  voyageurs  et  fera 
le  tout  de  concert  avec  Le  Superieur  des  jesuites  a 
Quebec,"  and  "  Sa  Majest6  a  appris  avec  plaisir 
que  les  ordres  qu  'Elle  avoit  donnes  pour  couvrir  le 
corps  du  Pere  Rasle  aient  ete  executes  et  que  le 
Pere  de  la  Chasse  s'  en  soit  charge."  Memoire  du 
Roi  aux  Sieurs  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  et  Chazel,  and 
aux  Sieurs  Marquis  de  Beauharnois  et  Dupuy.  A 
Versailles,  le  15  Mai,  1725,  and  le  29  Avril,  1727. 
These  extracts  have  been  submitted  by  me  to  scholars 
of  the  highest  attainments,  among  whom  were  noted 
men  of  Rale's  own  order,  and  their  opinions  of  the 
exact  meaning  of  the  words  solicited.  Two  quite 
opposite  opinions  were  given  and  firmly  adhered  to 
by  both  parties,  after  each  knew  that  an  opposite 
opinion  had  been  given.  One  opinion  was  that 


in  New  England.  273 

As  before  remarked,  we  cannot  regard  Rale  as  a 
martyr;  indeed  it  is  hard  to  understand  how  men 
even  of  his  own  order  can  to-day  so  regard  him. 

Yet  he  is  so  regarded  in  his  native  country, 
where  the  anniversary  of  his  death  is  still  religiously 
observed.  It  is,  however,  quite  as  difficult  for  us  to 
understand  how  our  -forefathers  could  have  com. 
placently  regarded  the  exhibition  of  his  scalp  in  the 
streets  of  Boston.  We  can  only  wonder  at  so  low  a 
condition  of  public  sentiment ;  but  it  was  a  sentiment 
not  peculiar  to  New  England  ;  it  belonged  as  well  to 
New  France;  aye,  to  Old  France  and  Old  England  ; 
to  the  age  in  which  it  found  expression,  "  Tempora 
mutantur  et  nos  mutamur  in  zHis." 

reference  was  made  to  the  covering  of  the  savages' 
grief  by  presents,  according  to  a  custom  among  them 
of  making  gifts  to  the  friends  of  a  dead  person,  to 
make  them  forget  or  mentally  cover  the  image  of  the 
deceased.  The  other  opinion  was  that  the  king  re- 
ferred to  the  burial  of  the  body  of  Rale,  and  would 
not  be  likely  to  employ  a  figurative  term,  limited 
only  to  savage  comprehension,  when  addressing  his 
ministers.  Among  the  men  holding  this  opinion  was, 
perhaps,  the  most  noted  writer  on  the  customs  and 
languages  of  the  savages  of  America  at  present 
living.  I  am  satisfied,  however,  after  a  most  careful 
study  of  the  customs  referred  to  in  the  first  opinion, 
that  the  word  convrir  is  used  figuratively  in  this  in- 
stance, and  that  it  was  not  meant  to  indicate  the 
interment  of  the  body. 
35 


APPENDIX. 


COLLATERAL  DOCUMENTS. 

INCLUDING,  WITH  OTHER  PAPERS  OF  THE  PERIOD, 
THE  FOLLOWING,  EXCEPT  DUPLICATES  AND  SUCH 
LETTERS  AS  ARE  PRINTED  IN  THE  BODY  OF  THE 
WORK,  NAMELY  : 

"  Thirty-one  Papers  produced  by  Mr.  Dummer,  in  Proof 
of  the  Right  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  to 
the  Lands  between  New  England  and  Nova  Scotia, 
and  of  Several  Depredations  Committed  by  the 
French  and  Indians,  between  1720  and  June, 

1725" 

i  st.  Extract    of    the    French     Kings    Patent    to 
Charles  de  Menour  K'  Lord  d'Aunay. 

2.  Massachusets    assistance    to    the    Goverm1   of 
New  York  in  1690. 

3.  Conference  of  the   Indians  with   Col:    Walton 
and  Major  Moody  &c  1720. 

4.  Letter  from   Several  Tribes  of   Indians  to   the 
Governor  of  N:  England  in  1721. 

5.  Translation  of  the  foregoing  letter  to  a  Jesuit 
in  1721. 

6.  Copy  of  Mr  Begon  a  French  Intend18  letter  to 
a  Jesuit  in  1721. 

7.  Monsr  Vaudreuils  letter  to  Seb:  Ralle  a  French 
Jesuit  in  1721. 


2  76  Appendix. 

8.  Paper  taken  from  the  Church  Door  at  Norridge- 
wock  in  Octor,  1722. 

9.  Monsr.  Vaudreuil  the  French  Govrs  letter  to  the 
Govr  of  New  England,  1723. 

10.  Answer  from  the  Ll  Govr  of  New  England  to 
the  foregoing  1723. 

n.  Lannerjats  Letter  to  Monsr  Ralle  Jesuit  con- 
cerning the  English  killed  at  Winslow. 

1 2.  A  Copy  of  a  letter  from  Seb:  Ralle  a  French 
Jesuit  to  another  Priest  giving  a  detail  of  the  Depreda- 
tions committed  by  the  Indians  on  the  English  in 
North' America  Aug:  1724. 

13.  Letter  from  the   Lieu1  Govr  of   Massachusets 
to  the  Govr  of  Rhode  Island  in  1724. 

14.  Translation    of     Monsr   Vaudreuil    Govr     of 
Canada's  letter  to  the  Ll  Govr  of  ye   Massachusets 
about    the    French    Jesuits    &c.    dated     Octr    29th 
1724. 

15.  Duplicate  of  the  Same. 

1 6.  Instructions  given  by  the   Governm1  of  New 
England  to  their  Commissrs  Sent  to  Canada  to   de 
mand  the  English  Captives  &c  in  Novr  1724. 

17.  Journal  of  the  said  Commissioners. 

1 8.  Letter  from  the  Ll  Govr  of  the   Massachusets 
to  the  Ll  Govr  of  N.  Hampshire  Decr  ist.  1724. 

19.  D°  to  Govr  Cranston  of   Rhode   Island   dated 
Decr  ist  1724  &  to  Govr  Talcot  of  Connecticut. 

20.  D°  to  GovJ  Burnet  of  N:  York  Decr  ist  1724. 

21.  Vote  of  the  Govr  and  Council  of  N:  York  of 
1 6  Decr  1724. 

22.  NB.  this  is  Annexed  to  No.  19. 

23.  Govr  Talcot  of  Connecticut's  letter  to   the  Ll 
Govr  of  the  Massachusets  Dated  Decr  1724. 

24.  Narrative   of   the   Indians  Managem1  and    of 
several  Treaties  with  them  1 724. 


Appendix.  277 

25.  Letter  from   the  Ll  Govr  of  the   Massachusets 
to  the  Govr  of  Canada  1724-5. 

26.  Cap:  Jordans  Declaration  in   May  1728  of  his 
usage  by  a  French  Fryer. 

27.  David  Golds  Testimony  of  Depredations  com- 
mitted by  the  Indians  in  1725. 

28.  The  like  of  Sam1  Harris  1725. 

29.  Declaration  of   the    New  England    Comrs    to 
Canada  made  to  the  Govern1  of  New  York. 

30.  The   said    Commissrs  demand  to  ye   Govr    of 
Canada. 

31.  French  Receipts  of   Mony  for  ye   Ransom   of 
English  Prisoners  1725. 

B.     T.     New     England,     Bundle     Y,     Vol.     17 
Recd  ) 
Read     SePL  3°'  I725' 


\Paper  /.] 

EXTRACT    FROM    THE    FRENCH     KING'S    PATENT    TO 
CHARLES  DE  MENOU,  KT.  LORD  D'AULNAY. 

"  Louis,  By  the  Grace  of  God,  King  of  France 
and  Navarre,  To  all  present  and  to  come  .  .  . 
do  appoint  and  establish  .  .  .  Charles  de  Menou, 
Chevalier  Sieur  d'Aulnay  Charnizay  .  .  .  Gov- 
ernor of  New  France  and  Our  Lieutenant  General 
of  the  Country  and  Coast  of  Acadia  .  .  .  from 
the  Great  River  St.  Lawrence  .  .  .  as  far  as  Vir- 
ginia .  .  .  We  will  that  the  said  Sr.  d'Aulnay  de 
Charnizay  may  cause  to  be  built  and  constructed, 
Towns,  Forts,  Ports,  Harbors  and  other  places  as  he 
shall  see  useful  .  .  .  and  to  establish  there  such 
officers  and  garrisons  as  shall  be  needed.  And  do 


2  78  Appendix. 

generally  for  the  conquest,  peopleing,  settlement 
and  preservation  of  the  said  country,  .lands  and 
coasts  of  Acadia  from  the  said  River  St.  Lawrence 
as  far  as  Virginia,  their  appurtenances  and  depend- 
encies, under  our  Name  and  Authority,  all  that  we 
might  be  able  to  do  if  We  were  there  in  Person." 


\Paper  2."] 

MASSACHUSETTS   ASSISTANCE   TO  THE  GOVERNOR  OF 

N.  YORK. 

At  the  Adjournment  of  the  General  Court  in  Bos- 
ton. May  1 4th,  1690. 

PURSUANT  to  the  Agreement  of  William  Stough- 
ton  &  Samuel  Sewell  Esqrs  Commissioners  from  the 
Colony  with  the  Commissioners  from  the  other  Gov- 
ernments met  at  New  York  the  first  of  May  instant 
Ordered  that  One  hundred  and  Sixty  Soldiers  be 
Detachd  out  of  the  Several  Regiments  within  this 
Colony  in  proportion  following  That  is  to  Say,  Out 
of  Hampshire  Regiment  Forty,  Middlesex  lower 
Regiment  Twenty,  Upper  Regiment  Ten ;  Essex 
Upper  Regiment  Ten,  Middle  Regiment  Twenty  ; 
South  Regiment  Twenty ;  South  Suffolk  Regiment 
two  &  Twenty,  Boston  Regiment  Eighteen,  to  be 
Improved  for  the  Strengthening  of  Albany  and 
prosecution  of  the  Common  Enemy,  French  &  In- 
dians. 

A  True  Copy  as  of  Record. 

Attest :  J.  Willard  Secry. 


Appendix.  2  79 

The  Deposition  of  Lewis  Bane  of  York  Esqr. 

This  Depon1  Testifyeth  and  Saith  That  he  being 
Imployed  by  the  Government  As  Commander  of  a 
Small  Detachment  of  Men  the  last  Sumer  was  at 
the  Eastward  New  Settlements,  where  there  were 
some  threatning  Speeches  and  unfriendly  Actions  of 
the  Indians,  when  this  Depon1  was  Among  them  ; 
&  he  asked  them  why  they  Acted  After  such  a 
Manner  with  the  English,  who  were  their  very  good 
Friends;  And  he  understood  by  them  that  One 
Chief  Cause  was,  That  the  French  Fryar  Sebastian 
Raylee  stirred  them  up  so  to  do,  telling  them  that  if 
they  suffered  the  English  to  go  on  in  setling  those 
parts  in  two  years  they  would  be  so  strong  that  they 
would  not  be  able  to  remove  them  And  also  that 
then  the  English  would  take  away  Neridgawalk  from 
them. 

SUFFOLK^.-  —  Boston,  2d.   December 

17/9- 
Lewis  Bane  personally  Appeared  be- 


Lewis  Bane 

Justice  of 

the  peace 

Quoram  unus. 


fore  us  the  subscribers  two  of  his 
Majesties  Justices  of  the  peace  in  sd 
County  and  made  oath  to  the  truth 
of  this  above  writen  Testimony  taken 
perpetuam  Rei :  Memoriam  - 

Samuel  Lynde 

Habijah  Savage 

B.  T.  New  England,  Vol.  15,  VV.  81,  Office  of  the 
Public  Records,  London. 

The  Deposition  of  John  Minot  late  of  George 
Towne  in  Arowsick  but  now  of  Boston  Merch1. 

That  he  being  the  last  Spring  sent  by  the  Gov- 
ernm1  to  Narantswalk  on  a  message  to  the  Indians 


280  Appendix. 

there,  did  then  heare  Sebastian  Rale  the  Popish 
Preist  or  Jessuit  who  resides  with  those  Indians 
say  - 

That  the  King  of  France  had  given  the  Governr  of 
Canada  orders  to  assist  the  Indians  against  the 
English,  if  they  proceeded  to  settle  the  Eastern  parts 
of  the  County  of  York,  and  that  the  Governr  of 
Canada  had  promist  to  assist  the  Indians  against  the 
English. 

And  when  the  Regents  health  was  offerd  to  him 
the  said  Jessuit  he  refused  to  pledge  it,  saying  the 
Regent  was  a  Protestant,  speaking  refleckting  words 
of  him. 

And  the  Indians  of  Narantswalk  at  the  same  time 
told  him  the  said  Minot,  that  the  said  Jessuit  was 
continually  inciting  the  Indians  against  the  English, 
and  that  it  was  their  best  way,  to  beat  and  fight 
the  English  And  to  disturb  them  in  their  settle- 
ments. 

And  that  the  said  Jessuit  had  wrote  to  the  English 
Governr  in  their  names,  Otherwayes  then  they  in- 
tended, and  things  they  did  not  Consent  to. 

And  at  other  times,  the  said  Indians  being  In- 
structed by  the  said  Jessuit  had  said  to  him  the  said 
Minot,  that  King  George  was  not  the  right  King 
that  he  came  in  at  the  back  door,  and  that  there  was 
Another  who  was  the  right  heir  to  the  Crown. 

The  above  mentioned  or  words  to  the  same  pur- 
pose have  bin  spoken  in  my  hearing 

John  Minot 

SUFFOLK  ss : — Boston  27th  November  1719. 

John  Minot  personally  Appeared  before  us  the 
Subscribers  two  of  his  Majesties  Justices  of  the  peace 


Appendix.  281 

in  sd  County  and  made  oath  to  the  truth  of  the  above 
writen  testimony 

Samuel  Lynd  (Justice  peace 
Habijah  Savage  (Quoram  unnus 
taken  in  perpetuam 
Rei  Memoriam 

End:)  Massachusetts  Bay 

Depositions  of  Lewis  Bane,  Esqr  &  John  Minot, 
Merch1,  taken  at  Boston,  in  Novr  &  Decr  1719,  in  re- 
lation to  a  French  Fryar,  Sebastian  Raylees,  stirring 
up  the  Kennebeck  Indians  to  revolt  from  His  Ma- 
jesty, &  disturb  the  Neighbouring  English  Settle- 
ments. 

Recd  with  Mr  Dumer's  Memorial 


[Paper  j>.] 

CONFERENCE  WITH  THE  KENNEBECK  INDIANS. 

At  a  Conference  with  the  Chiefs  and  some  others 
of  the  Kennebeck  Indians  at  George  Town  Novem- 
ber the  25th,  1720. 

Present 

Shadrach    Walton     Esqr>]  Commission- 
Sam11  Moody  Esqr  !  ers   on   behalf 
Capt.   Johnson    Harman  [of    the     Gov- 
Capt.   John    WainwrightJ  ernment. 

36 


282  Appendix. 

Were  also  present  of  the  Indians 

Warrawenset  alias  Mogg 
Wowurna  alias  Capt  Joseph 

,  Obomaukawk 

'  John  Hegon 
Tuddebawhunjerit 
Ketterremuggus  alias  Moses 
Interpreters 

Lieu1  Joseph  Bean  )  ,    • 

A/rr  c      i  T     j  r  being  sworn 

Mr  bam1  J  ordan       j 

C0mmissrt—-Td\  the  Sachems  and  other  Indians 
here  present  That  we  four  Gentlemen  are  Authorized 
and  Impowered  by  a  Commission  from  our  Great 
Governor,  Pursuant  to  a  Vote  of  the  Great  Court 
and  Assembly  that  are  now  sitting  at  Boston  to- 
Manage  a  Treaty  with  you  at  this  time  and  accord- 
ing to  appointment  here  at  Arrowsick. 

Indians '--We  are  very  well  Satisfied  that  you  are 
so  Authorized  and  Impowered. 

Commiss™ —  We  presume  that  you  are  also  Au- 
thorized and  sent  by  your  Tribe  and  that  you  repre- 
sent them  ;  and  we  Suppose  it  to  be  the  same  thing 
as  if  your  whole  Tribe  were  here  present  to  act. 

Indians  —  We  Desire  that  the  People  may  be  re- 
moved from  Merry  Meeting. 

CommissT*  —  That's  no  answer  to  what  we  pro- 
posed, that  matter  may  be  Discoursed  in  the  proper 
place  &  Season  Tell  us  whether  you  represent  your 
Tribe,  and  how  we  shall  know  that  you  are  sent  to 
act  on  their  Behalf  We  Insist  upon  your  Answer  be- 
cause we  would  leave  no  room  for  any  of  your  People 
to  make  Objections  Against  your  proceedings  after- 
wards. 


Appendix.  283 

Indians — Mogg  (holding  a  Belt  of  Wampum  over 
his  Head)  Replied  We  are  all  upon  a  Hill  in  View 
of  all  the  Indians,  who  see  and  know  that  we  are 
here  to  act  for  them,  and  this  Belt  is  a  Token  of  it. 
This  is  our  Letter  and  Comission. 

Commissrs — If  that  be  your  Letter  and  Comis- 
sion, and  a  Token  of  your  being  Impowered  we  are 
satisfied  :  We  shall  then  proceed. 

Indians  —  We  desire  that  we  may  go  on  with  our 
talk,  first  that  the  People  that  are  upon  Our  Land  at 
Merry  meeting  may  be  removed. 

Commiss™  —  We'll  not  be  Interrupted,  but  will  pro- 
ceed with  what  we  are  about  to  offer,  and  you  may 
have  the  Liberty  Afterward  to  say  what  you  please 
referring  to  that  matter  You  cant  but  Remem- 
ber that  Several  Gentlemen  were  sent  down  the 
last  Winter  to  Casco  Bay  where  they  had  a 
Conference  with  several  of  the  Chiefs  of  your  Tribe 
and  at  that  time  acquainted  you  with  the  111  Carriage 
of  your  People  towards  the  English  Inhabiting  those 
parts  of  the  Country  in  killing  their  Creatures, 
Threatning  and  Insulting  their  Persons  and  unjustly 
disturbing  their  Settlements  and  Demanded  Satis- 
faction for  the  wrong  done  us,  which  you  then  firmly 
Promised  to  make  in  the  Spring,  as  soon  as  you 
Could  Assemble  your  whole  Tribe  to  Consult  the 
matter  But  Instead  of  Complying  with  those  Prom- 
ises and  Engagements,  you  have  on  the  Contrary 
repeated  your  Insults  and  Barbarous  Carriages  of 
that  kind  which  we  are  now  to  acquaint  you  that  the 
Government  will  bear  no  longer  And  we  are  Di- 
rected by  His  Majesties  Government  to  demand  the 
reason  of  your  Non  Complyance  with  your  Promises 
so  Solemnly  made  to  those  Commissioners,  and  have 
made  no  restitution  for  the  wrongs  done  us  either 


284  Appendix. 

the  last  year  or  the  summer  past,  We  Expect  your 
Answer  to  those  things  forthwith. 

Indians  —  We  did  not  sit  in  Council  about  that 
matter  till  lately. 

Commissrs — Tell  us  why  you  did  not  when  you  so 
solemnly  Promised,  and  what  is  the  Result  of  your 
late  Council. 

Indians  —  The  Reason  why  we  did  not  meet  sooner 
was  because  there  were  so  many  Reports  of  Mischief 
Done  and  so  much  noise  that  we  Could  not  Assem- 
ble to  Consult. 

Commissrs —  Who  did  any  mischief  but  yourselves  ? 
What  Occasioned  all  that  Noise  but  your  Insolent 
Carriage  towards  the  English  and  your  base  Treat- 
ment of  the  Inhabitants  in  these  parts,  as  we  have 
already  hinted  to  you. 

Indians  —  We  are  sensible  that  our  Young  Men 
were  the  Occasion  of  the  Disturbance  that  has  hap- 
pened and  we  have  Striven  to  hinder  them  as  much 
as  in  us  lyes. 

Commissrt — Then  -you  ought  to  Govern  your 
Young  Men  and  Punish  them  for  their  Insolence, 
and  if  you  Cant  restrain  them  you  should  have  in- 
formed us  of  it,  and  have  Delivered  them  to  us  in 
Order  to  their  being  brought  to  better  manners ; 
And  you  have  Obliged  your  selves  by  all  former 
Treaties  not  to  Disturb  us  in  our  Settlements  And 
yet  have  suffered  your  Young  men  to  persist  in  their 
Insolent  Behaviour  towards  our  Inhabitants  to  their 
great  Discouragement  and  Damage. 

Indians --^No.  desire  to  go  on  with  our  talk;  If 
all  those  People  were  removed  from  Merry  Meeting 
Bay,  all  other  differences  between  us  would  be  easily 
Composed. 

Comissrs — Yee  will  still  break  in  upon  us  to  Evade 


Appendix.  285 

that  matter  which  we  are  firmly  resolved  to  Insist  on. 
Tell  us  what  you  Determined  at  your  late  Council. 

Indians  —  We  are  Come  here  to  Desire  Peace  and 
long  Life,  and  as  a  Token  of  our  sincerity  We  offer 
these  two  Belts  of  Wampum.  Three  of  our  Towns 
have  held  a  Great  Council :  We  are  Incapacitated 
to  make  restitution  for  the  damage  done  this  fall ;  but 
we  will  Endeavor  to  do  it  by  next  June  or  July  ;  let 
us  know  what  we  are  to  pay  ? 

Comissrs  —  -  You  Promised  before  that  youl'd  pay 
this  fall,  but  have  not  Complyed.  Abomazen  when 
at  Piscataqua  Desired  that  the  Indians  might  be 
allowed  till  the  time  of  their  fall  hunting  to  pay  for 
the  damage  done  us  &  now  you  would  put  it  off  till 
next  June  or  July;  but  we  shall  give  you  no  further 
time. 

Indians —  Did  Abomazen  Give  any  Letter  or  lay 
down  any  Wampum  for  the  Binding  of  his  Promise? 

Commissrs — You  threw  down  Wampum  at  the  Great 
Treaty  on  Arowsick  with  His  Excellency  Governour 
Shute  ;  yet  that  was  far  from  being  Binding  to  you  ; 
for  you  have  since  been  Guilty  several  times  of  a 
Manifest  Breach  of  the  Articles  you  then  Signed  & 
Sealed  in  the  presence  of  God  and  many  Witnesses. 

Indians--  But  this  hath  been  a  stronger  Council, 
and  we  are  now  Resolved  to  be  as  good  as  our 
words. 

Comiss™  —  Was  your  late  Council  stronger  than 
what  you  formerly  met  at  His  Excellency  Governor 
Dudley  at  Casco,  when  all  the  Tribes  were  assembled, 
and  there  Called  the  Great  God  to  Witness  of  the 
sincerity  of  your  Hearts  &  made  the  most  Solemn 
Protestations  Imaginable  in  the  Light  of  the  Sun 
(which  you  then  Declared  was  a  Witness  to  that  Days 
Transaction)  that  you  would  live  quietly  &  peaceably 


286  Appendix. 

and  no  more  Molest  and  Disturb  the  English  in  their 
Settlements.  Was  your  Council  stronger  than  what 
you  met  his  Excellency  Our  present  Governor  at 
this  place  ;  which  we  have  already  hinted  to  you  when 
you  laid  yourselves  under  as  Strong  Bonds  as  was 
possible  by  Belt  of  Wampum  you  then  offered  ?  All 
which  (besides  many  other  solemn  Promises  and 
Covenants  lately  made  with  us)  you  have  Perfidiously 
broken  as  you  Cannot  but  acknowledge.  What  reason 
have  you  to  think  we  can  give  any  Credit  to  what 
you  now  Say?  what  security  will  you  Give  us  that 
you  will  make  us  satisfaction  in  the  Spring  for  the 
Injuries  done  us,  for  we  will  take  your  words  no 
longer  —  here  they  paused  for  some  time  &  made  no 
answer. 

Indians — It's  our  young  men  that  don't  Attend 
our  Prayers  that  have  done  you  gl  damage  ;  your 
men  have  also  Injured  us  but  we  are  loth  to  Com- 
plain. 

Comissrs  —  If  you  have  any  Complaints  to  offer  we 
are  willing  to  hear  them ;  but  you  are  Coming  off 
from  the  Business  we  are  upon  We  demand  security 
of  you  for  the  payment  of  what  is  due  for  the  dam- 
age done. 

Indians —  How  many  Skins  are  we  to  pay,  give 
us  a  Letter  or  account  of  it  ? 

Comiss™  —  Capt.  Giles  had  an  Acco1  this  Summer, 
which  he  was  ordered  to  Communicate  to  you. 

Indians — Only  one  of  us  viz.,  John  Hegon,  heard  it. 

Comissrs — He  ought  to  have  told  the  rest. 

Indians —  It  is  Customary  when  any  one  of  us  hear 
of  such  a  thing  to  Inform  the  rest,  but  he  did  not 
do  it. 

Commisf*  —  We  have  Reason  to  think  you  have 
been  fully  Informed  of  it,  for  several  of  your  Indians 


Appendix.  287 

told  our  People  that  they  were  going  to  hunt  for 
Skins  to  make  paym*  for  the  English  were  sick  for 
want  of  their  skins,  and  they  should  be  Sick  also  if 
the  People  were  not  removed  from  Merry  Meeting. 
But  indeed  the  half  of  what  is  our  due  was  not  In- 
serted in  the  acco1  and  we  can  Name  the  Men  that 
have  done  us  the  wrong,  and  accordingly  several 
Persons  were  mentioned. 

Indians  --  These  were  our  Young  Men  that  don't 
pray. 

Comissrs — It  is  not  only  your  Young  Men,  for 
here  is  Nath1  present  who  is  one  of  your  Old  men, 
and  hath  been  Notoriously  Guilty  of  Insulting  our 
People,  and  you  shall  Punish  him,  or  we  will  Cause 
him  to  be  well  Scouraged.  There  is  Captain  Joseph 
also  that  was  present,  when  some  of  your  People 
killed  a  hogg  belonging  to  one  Stockbridge ;  for 
which  he  hath  received  no  Satisfaction  so  that  the 
old  men  are  Guilty.  You  are  the  Heads  of  your 
Tribes,  and  must  answer  for  what  they  do.  But  to 
make  Short  of  the  matter  we  demand  200  Skins  of 
you,  which  is  but  a  Small  matter  in  Comparison  of 
the  injuries  you  have  done  us  ;  and  tho  you  were 
ordered  at  a  Conference  some  of  us  had  with  you 
the  last  month,  to  warn  your  Young  Men  of  their  111 
Carriage,  they  have  persisted  in  it,  and  some  of  your 
People  have  within  a  few  days  past,  broken  a  Lock 
and  robbed  a  Sloop  at  Casco  Bay,  which  is  death  by 
our  Law. 

Indians--  We  did  faithfully  warn  our  Young  Men, 
but  they  are  a  Vagabond  sort  of  men,  that  will  not 
take  warning. 

Comissrs — If  you  Cant  restrain  those  Insolent 
Young  Men  you  will  force  us  to  take  our  own  Satis- 
faction. The  Government  has  always  Treated  you 


288  Appendix. 

fairly,  and  is  very  Tender  of  Shedding  any  blood. 
But  if  you  will  not  Reform,  but  will  constrain 
them  to  use  any  Violent  proceedings  against  you, 
you  must  thank  your  selves  for  any  mischiefs  that 
may  Ensue ;  and  here  we  must  further  Observe  to 
you  how  wickedly  the  Jesuit  has  Imposed  on  you, 
more  Especially  by  Informing  you  of  a  War  between 
Great  Britain  &  France  Whereas  the  two  Nations 
are  in  a  Strict  League  of  Friendship  and  have  a 
Prospect  to  Continue  so  for  a  long  time  (so  that 
upon  your  own  knowledge  &  Observation  of  these 
matters)  you  may  be  satisfied  of  his  falsness  and 
Deceit,  and  may  make  it  very  Evident  to  you,  that 
the  false  Insinuations  of  your  Father  Ralle  (that  in 
Case  of  a  Breach  between  the  English  and  you  the 
French  will  afford  you  their  Aid  &  Assistance  Can 
have  no  other  Tendency  but  your  utter  Ruin  &  De- 
struction. 

To  which  they  made  no  Reply. 

Comisrs — We  shall  leave  these  things  to  your 
Consideration  and  adjourn  till  the  afternoon. 

Afternoon  at  4  o'Clock  met  again. 

Comissrs —  Have  you  Considered  what  we  last  pro- 
posed to  you?  We  must  have  Satisfaction  &  good 
Security  for  your  Behaviour. 

Indians  —  We  have  Considered  of  it,  and  will 
leave  one  of  our  Old  Men  Terreamuggus  that  is 
here  present  as  a  pledge  for  the  Compliance  with  our 
Promises  &  Engagements. 

Comissrs  -  He  is  an  Old  Man  &  one  that  you  have 
Rejected  &  turned  out  of  your  Council,  &  we  don't 
think  him  a  sufficient  security. 

Indians — He  was  of  our  Council,  and  we  don't 
know  that  he  has  been  Excluded. 


Appendix.  289 

Comissrs — We  have  been  Informed  that  he  was 
shut  out  by  your  Jesuit,  but  whether  that  be  true  or 
false,  we  do  not  see  Cause  to  accept  of  him,  tho'  we 
suppose  him  to  be  as  honest  a  man  as  any  of  you ; 
Yet  we  neither  think  it  to  be  reasonable  or  Honour- 
able for  us  to  Comply  with  you  in  that  Regard. 
We  must  have  better  Security. 

Indians — He  is  one  of  our  Principal  Men,  &  we 
still  Insist  upon  having  him  as  a  pledge. 

Comissrs  —  -  We  will  have  three  more  of  your  Prin- 
cipal Young  Men  and  you  shall  pay  the  Charge  of 
their  subsistence,  for  we  will  not  bring  any  Charge 
upon  the  Government. 

Indians--  We  Desire  to  withdraw  for  some  time 
to  Consult  among  Our  selves. 

Comissrs — Make  all  the  Dispatch  you  Can  we  will 
give  you  half  an  hour. 

They  withdrew  accordingly  &  returned  in  half  an 
hour. 

Comissrs — ,We  are  now  ready  to  hear  what  you 
have  determined. 

Indians  —  We  will  leave  three  of  our  Chiefs.  We 
are  sending  two  to  Penobscot,  two  to  Narridgewalk, 
&  two  to  Pigwackit,  &  we  have  no  more  here  that 
we  Can  spare 

Comissrs  —  We  must  take  a  little  time  to  Consider 
this  matter  and  will  give  you  our  final  Determination 
to-morrow  morning.  We  shall  Order  you  a  little 
Provision  &  something  to  Drink  this  Evening  ;  and 
we  Strictly  Charge  you  that  you  don't  abuse  your 
selves  by  drinking  too  much.  Some  of  your  People 
were  Drunk  last  night,  and  one  of  them  drew  a  knife 
upon  one  of  our  Inhabitants,  which  was  an  Insufferable 
Abuse.  You  may  Assure  yourselves  that  we  are  in 
Earnest  with  you  and  we  are  Resolved  not  to  take 

37 


290  Appendix. 

such  base  Treatment  at  your  Hands ;  therefore  we 
advise  you  to  be  very  Cautious. 

Indians--  We  desire  one  word  more;  we  like 
what  you  have  offered,  Only  you  are  pleased  to  tell 
us  that  you  Cant  assure  us  of  the  Governments 
bearing-  the  Charge  of  Our  Mens  subsistence. 

Comissri  -  -  You  shall  bear  the  Charge  that  may  arise 
for  the  subsistence  of  your  Hostages,  unless  the  Gov- 
ernment should  see  Cause  to  favour  you  in  that  matter. 

Saturday  November  the  28th,  met  about  9  o'clock 
in  y*  Morning 

Comiss** --We.  have  well  Considered  of  what  you 
proposed  yesterday  of  leaving  only  three  of  your 
Chiefs  with  us,  and  can  by  no  means  Consent  to  it. 
You  shall  be  obliged  to  bring  the  200  skins  within 
25  Days,  &  at  the  same  time  shall  deliver  Four  of 
your  Chiefs  into  our  hands  there  to  remain  during 
the  pleasure  of  the  Govern m*  &  any  greater  number 
that  the  Governm1  shall  Demand  as  security  (not 
only  for  payment  of  those  Skins  in  Case  you  fail  of 
performing  your  obligation)  but  for  your  good  Be- 
haviour towards  the  English  for  the  future. 

Indians —  We  approve  of  what  you  say,  &  we  hope 
within  six  days  to  Inform  our  whole  Tribe  of  what  we 
have  done. 

Comiss™  —  Do  you  really  Consent  to  what  we 
propose  ? 

Indians--  We  do  Consent  to  it,  and  will  Comply 
with  your  demand. 

Comissrs --Tell  us  what  you  will  leave  for  we  will 
not  be  Imposed  upon,  or  accept  of  any  but  your  prin- 
cipal Men  ;  and  we  Doubt  not  but  the  Government 
will  Allow  of  Your  Exchanging  them,  for  the  like 
number  of  as  good  Men  in  Convenient  time. 

Indians  —  We  have  Determined  to  Deliver  into 
your  hands  Jn°  Hegon,  Terremuggus,  Obomohauk, 


Appendix.  291 

Currebooset,  &  in  Case  of  his  failing  Inddebawhun- 
sewit  his  Brother  shall  supply  his  place.  These  are 
the  four. 

Comissrs — It  is  well  we  have  drawn  up  something 
for  you  to  sign  as  an  Obligation  for  the  true  per- 
formance of  what  you  now  Promise  &  Engage  ; 
And  after  you  have  signed  this  Instrument  you  shall 
have  ye  Liberty  to  go  on  with  what  you  were  about 
to  propose  to  us  Concerning  your  Land,  &  the  Inha- 
bitants of  Merry  meeting  Bay,  or  any  other  matter, 
which  you  have  to  offer. 

The  Obligation  is  as  follows  viz  — 

The  Obligation  - 

At  a  Conference  held  at  George  Town  with  the 
Commissioners  Authorized  and  Impowered  by  the 
Governor  &  Great  Council  of  Boston  to  treat  with 
the  Indians  of  Kenebeck  River  November  1720. 

We  the  Subscribers  Delegates  of  the  Tribe  of 
Norridgewack  in  Kenebeck,  being  Convicted  and 
made  deeply  sensible  of  the  repeated  Wrongs  &  In- 
juries done  by  our  Tribe  to  the  English  residing  in 
these  parts  for  several  years  past,  in  killing  their 
Creatures  and  Disturbing  their  Settlements  Contrary 
to  former  Treaty's  Covenants  and  Promises  Do  by 
these  presents  for  our  selves  &  in  behalf  of  the  Tribes 
whom  we  represent  firmly  promise  and  Engage  to 
Pay  to  the  said  Comissioners  viz  Col  Shadrach 
Walton  Esqr  Capt  Samuel  Moodey  Esqr  Capt  John- 
son Harmon  Capt  John  Wainwright  or  their  order  at 
the  Town  of  Falmouth  in  Casco  Bay,  Two  hundred 
good  large  Beaver  skins  or  other  Furs  or  ffeathers 
Equivalent  to  said  Skins  within  twenty  five  days 
after  the  date  of  these  presents;  And  at  the  day  pre- 
fixt  to  deliver  up  four  of  our  Chiefs  viz  Lackwadaw- 
meck  Alias  John  Hegon,  Obomawhawk  Kettera- 
muggus  Curreboosett  as  Hostages  not  only  for  the 


292 


Appendix. 


security  of  said  Payment  of  200  skins  (in  Case  of  our 
Default)  but  said  Hostages  still  to  Remain  in  the 
Hands  of  the  Government,  to  be  subsisted  and 
Maintained  at  our  Cost  and  Charge  And  we  do  fur- 
ther Covenant  and  Promise  that  the  abovesd  Host- 
ages or  any  greater  number  that  the  Government 
shall  demand  after  Sd  Payment  is  well  and  truly 
made  shall  then  be  Delivered  into  the  Hands  of  the 
English  to  remain  and  Abide  as  Pledges  and  Se- 
curity for  our  good  Behaviour  for  the  time  to  come. 
In  witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto  set  Our 
hands  &  Seals  the  twenty  sixth  day  of  November 
In  the  Seventh  year  of  His  Majesties  Reign  Annoque 
Domini  1720. 
Signed  Sealed  and  Delivered.  Mark  of 


in  presence  of 
Isaac  Taylor 
Rob1  Temple 
Joseph  Bean 

Sam11  Jordan 
Alexr  Forsyth 
John  Parker 
Thos.  Newman 
Ebenr  Allen 


Mogg 


(Seal) 


(Seal) 


Mark  of 


Tuddebaw  4/  hunsewit     (Seal) 

0 

Mark  of 

Kettera     V/      Muggus     (Seal) 
Mark  of 


John 

Marke 

Obomaw 


Hegon  (Seal) 

of 
hawk     (Seal) 


Appendix.  293 

The  aforesaid  Instrument  was  several  times  Dis- 
tinctly and  Faithfully  Interpreted  to  them,  which 
they  Declared  that  they  rightly  Understood,  and 
accordingly  signed  sealed  and  Delivered  the  same  in 
the  presence  of  the  aforsd  Witnesses. 

Comissrs —  Have  you  now  any  thing  to  offer  us. 

Indians  —  We  have  no  more  to  say  at  present. 

Comissrs  —  You  offered  something  yesterday  about 
your  Lands  and  removing  the  Inhabitants  from 
Merry  meeting. 

Indians  -  -  We  have  said  all  that  we  were  ordered 
to  say. 

Comisrs  -  -  You  declared  that  you  did  not  Ap- 
prove of  our  People  settling  there,  and  you  have 
now  the  Liberty  to  proceed  But  Inasmuch  as  you 
Decline  it,  we  have  something  to  offer  to  you  upon 
that  Head.  We  are  directed  by  the  Governm1  to  tell 
you  that  the  English  have  no  Design  to  take  your 
Country  or  any  of  your  Lands  from  you,  or  to  de- 
prive you  of  any  of  your  Just  rights  or  Priviledges. 
The  Claims  of  the  English  to  those  Lands  in  Kene- 
beck  River  have  been  Examined  and  we  are  fully 
Satisfied  that  the  English  have  a  good  Title  there- 
unto as  appears  by  their  Deeds  and  Conveyances 
from  Indians  above  70  years  since.  And  the  Govern- 
ment is  Resolved  to  Defend  the  Proprietors  in  those 
their  just  rights.  It's  therefore  in  Vain  for  you  to 
Expect  that  even  those  Inhabitants  will  be  removed. 
The  Government  is  very  loth  to  draw  the  sword, 
which  you  have  Given  them  just  Provocation  to 
do.  But  you  may  depend  upon  it  that  the  Forces  which 
have  been  raised  at  a  vast  Expence  for  the  Curbing 
of  your  Insolencies  will  not  be  Disbanded  till  you 
have  Complied  with  the  Obligation  you  have  now 
laid  your  selves  under ;  And  if  you  will  Constrain  us 


294  Appendix. 

by  your  repeated  Insults  to  any  violent  proceedings, 
we  have  force  enough,  and  will  pursue  you  to  your 
Head  Quarters  (which  we  are  well  acquainted  with, 
and  can  easily  take  possession  of)  and  will  not  leave 
you  till  we  have  Cut  you  off  Root  and  Branch  from 
the  Face  of  the  Earth.  It  will  be  your  Interest  to 
Consider  these  things,  and  you  may  Believe  that  we 
are  in  Earnest,  and  this  is  the  last  warning  we  shall 
give  you.  And  if  you  Imagine  you  can  make  your 
terms  more  easy  with  the  Government  you  may  have 
Liberty  to  go  to  Boston,  as  soon  as  you  please. 

Indians  —  We  are  well  satisfied,  and  will  Comply 
with  all  that  you  have  Offered. 

Thus  Ended  the  Conference  which  we  hope  will 
be  Acceptable  to  Your  Excellency  and  the  Govern- 
ment as  attested  by  us. 

Shad.  Walton. 
Sam11.  Moodey. 

Copy     Examined 

^  J.  Willard,  Secry. 


Paper  No.  4,  entitled  "  LETTERS  FROM  SEVERAL  TRIBES 
OF  INDIANS  TO  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  N:  ENGLAND  IN 
1721,"  may  be  found  at  page  in. 

{Paper  5.] 

CONTEMPORARY   TRANSLATION. 
MONSR  BEGON  TO  FATHER  RALLE. 

I  have  received  my  Reverend  Father  the  Letter 
that  you  did  me  the  Honour  to  write  me  the  i8th 
last  month  Monsr  De  Vaudreuil  being  at  Montreal 


Appendix.  295 

at  the  arrival  of  the  Indians  you  sent  here.  I  en- 
gaged four  of  them  to  go  to  him  &  Carry  the  Letter 
you  wrote  him,  which  was  Accompanied  with  one  I 
wrote  to  him  to  Comunicate  to  him  the  Sentiments 
of  Father  de  la  Chase  &  my  own  upon  what  we 
think  Convenient  to  be  done  till  the  Counsel  of  Navy 
Explain  themselves,  if  it  be  the  Kings  Intention, 
that  the  French  joyns  the  Indians  to  support  them 
openly  against  the  English ;  or  if  we  shall  content 
ourselves  to  furnish  them  with  Amunition  of  War 
as  the  Counsel  has  advised  Monsr  De  Yaudreuil 
might  do  in  case  the  English  makes  any  Enterprize 
against  them  ;  I  send  you  the  Copy  of  my  Letter  to 
the  end  you  may  furnish  me  with  your  thoughts 
which  appears  to  you  to  be  best. 

Monsr  De  Vaudreuil  is  Come  down  here  with  the 
Indians  &  pass'd  St.  Francois  &  Besancour  to  Invite 
the  Indians  to  those  Missions  to  send  Deputies  from 
their  Villages  to  advise  whats  to  be  done. 

He  had  a  Design  to  Write  to  the  English  Govr 
but  since  his  return  has  Changed  his  Sentiment  & 
Contents  himself  to  follow  the  principal  Articles  of 
the  Memorial  you  sent  him,  which  are  to  keep  them- 
selves on  their  Lands,  &  in  the  Religion  they  have 
embraced  &  to  have  no  longer  different  sentiments 
amongst  them,  But  to  unite  to  speak  to  the  English 
with  Resolution.  He  thought  it  likewise  more  Con- 
venient that  the  Revd  Father  de  la  Chase  should  ac- 
company the  Indians  of  St.  Frangois  &  De  Besan- 
cour than  Monsr  de  Croisil  Lieu'  whom  he  brought 
with  him  with  a  design  to  send  him  with  those  In- 
dians, because  that  the  journey  of  the  R.  F.  De  la 
Chase  is  of  no  Consequence  in  respect  of  the  Eng- 
lish, seeing  the  Treaty  of  Peace  does  not  forbid  one 
Missionary  to  Visit  another  in  His  Mission  ;  whereas 


296  Appendix. 

if  a  French  officer  were  sent,  they  might  Complain 
we  send  ffrench  Men  into  a  Countrey  they  pretend 
to  belong  to  them  to  Excite  the  Indians  to  make 
War  on  them,  on  which  we  are  of  Opinion  it's  Con- 
venient to  await  the  orders  of  the  Court  for  them,  to 
the  end  not  to  Exceed  Seeing  you  Cant  abandon 
Your  Mission  to  come  Your  self  to  Comunicate 
your  thoughts  on  this  subject  and  that  it's  Difficult 
to  Explain  them  amply  enough  by  a  Letter  &  Conse- 
quently Instruct  us  in  what  you  may  know  of  the 
Rules  we  must  Limit  our  selves  by,  We  thought  the 
journey  of  the  Revd  Father  De  La  Chase  very  Con- 
venient at  this  present  Conjuncture  that  he  may 
thorowly  Acquaint  you  with  Methods  that  we  think 
we  are  Obliged  to  use  towards  the  English  that  we 
might  Exceed  and  that  he  may  Comunicate  to  us 
at  his  return  all  the  reflection  you  make  on  the  dis- 
position of  your  Indians,  &  those  of  your  two  other 
Missions. 

Monsr  De  Vaudreuil  has  read  to  your  Indians  & 
to  them  that  Accompanied  them  the  Memorial  he 
sends  you  Containing  his  speech,  that  they  may  no 
longer  say  that  it  is  that  of  their  Missionary:  we  be- 
lieve you'l  find  it  in  the  sense  you  proposed  it. 

I  Caused  to  be  given  a  Blanket,  a  shirt,  a  pair 
Mittons,  Tobacco,  powder,  and  shot  to  Each  of  the 
five  Indians  you  sent  and  I  believe  they  return  Con- 
tented &  with  good  Intentions  ;  as  you  are  always  too 
reserved  in  what  regards  Yourself  I  have  desired  the 
Revd  Father  de  la  Chase  to  know  of  you  in  Amity 
what  I  can  send  you,  that  will  be  most  Agreeable.  I 
pray  youd  make  use  of  it  without  Compliment;  nothing 
is  better  approved  of,  than  what  you  said  to  the 
Indians  upon  the  news  of  the  English  Governor  your 
great  Enemy  being  turned  out ;  I  wish  that  he  that 


Appendix.  297 

fills  up  his  place  proves  more  Reasonable,  &  that  he 
letts  you  &  your  Indians  live  in  quiet:  This  is  to 
be  wished  for  till  we  are  well  Instructed.  If  it  be 
the  Kings  Intention  that  openly  we  joyn  with  the 
Indians  against  them,  if  they  attack  them  wrongfully. 
Because  in  the  Interim  we  Cant  assist  but  by  amu- 
nition  which  we  shall  give  them  &  they  may  depend 
that  we  wont  let  them  want. 

In  respect  to  Taxus,  I  find  you  had  great  Reason 
to  use  him  as  you  did,  &  you  Could  not  be  less  Steady 
than  you  were,  it  being  necessary  to  have  no  Regard 
for  those  that  appear  more  attached  to  the  English 
than  to  us. 

I  am  with  all  my  Heart  &  with  all  possible  attchm1 
My  Revd  Father 

Your  humble  &  Obedient  Servant 

Signed  Begon. 

Quebec  the  1 4th  June  1721. 

Since  my  Letters  being  wrote  the  Indians  of  St. 
Francois  &  of  Besancour  having  desired  of  Mr  De 
Vaudreuil  that  Monsr  De  Croisil  go  with  them  to  be 
Witness  of  their  good  Dispositions,  he  Consented,  & 
is  Joyned  with  the  Revd  Father  de  la  Chase 

Copy  Examined 

$  J.  Willard  Secry. 

Recd  wth  Col°  Shutes  Lre  of  13th  March,  1721. 
Recd   |  May  15 

•  <J 

Readf  Do  25th 
38 


298  Appendix. 

[Am.  &  W.  I.,  Vol.  5.] 
(Copy.) 

Govr  Shute  to  the  Canadian  Governor. 

Letter    to    the    Governour    of    Canada 
from  His  Excellency  Gouvernour  Shute. 
Sir 

Being  Informed  That  Your  Excellency  has 
Orders  sent  you  Immediately  to  release  the  English 
Captives  that  are  in  your  hands,  I  do  my  Self  the 
Honour  to  write  to  you  on  this  Affair;  I  need  not 
Observe  to  you,  how  Agreeable  it  is  to  the  Law  of 
Nations  and  the  Strict  Allyance  between  the  two 
Crowns  (which  God  long  Continue)  That  the 
Remnant  of  the  Captivity  of  this  Governm1  should 
at  length  be  returned  ;  and  I  perswade  myself  you 
will  be  glad  of  this  Occasion  of  shewing  Your  Jus- 
tice and  Humanity  in  this  matter;  I  would  acquaint 
you  That  this  Government  has  lately  been  Insulted 
by  our  Eastern  Indians  without  any  Provocation  and 
Contrary  to  their  own  repeated  and  Solemn  stipula- 
tions &  Treaties,  a  number  of  two  hundred  of 
them  Entring  in  a  Hostile  manner  into  an  English 
Town  under  French  Colours,  &  Treating  the  English 
Inhabitants  after  a  very  Insolent  manner.  This  is 
such  a  Breach  upon  His  Majesties  Government  to 
which  these  Indians  have  subjected  themselves,  as 
we  shall  by  no  means  Endure,  &  are  Determined  to 
have  satisfaction  for.  I  the  rather  Acquaint  Your 
Excellency  with  this  Affair  because  the  Indians  were 
Headed  by  two  French  officers,  one  of  them  said  to 
be  from  Canada  (his  name  I  have  lost)  and  two 
Jesuits.  This  last  Circumstance,  I  look  upon  as  an 
Infraction  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  and  Friendship 
between  the  two  Crowns  Concluded  at  Utrecht,  unto 


Appendix.  299 

which  I  assure  my  self,  you  will  most  Strictly  Con- 
form ;  And  therefore  I  doe  very  Earnestly  Desire 
you  would  Enquire  after  this  Officer  and  proceed 
with  him  according  to  his  Deserts  ;  And  also  that 
you  will  do  your  part  to  recall  Monsr  Ralle  &  the 
other  Jesuit  from  residing  in  any  part  of  the  Terri- 
tory belonging  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  so 
Contrary  to  the  Treaty  aforesaid,  His  Majesties 
Laws  at  Home,  and  the  Laws  of  this  Province. 

And  in  Case  any  of  our  Eastern  Indians  should 
make  their  Application  to  Your  Excellency  you  will 
use  your  Influence  and  Advise  them  to  behave  Loy- 
ally and  peaceably  toward  His  Majesties  Govern- 
ment wherein  they  be,  That  so  the  English  People 
on  the  Frontiers  may  live  in  Peace  and  not  be 
troubled  and  abused  by  the  Savages ;  And  in  Case 
the  present  rupture  with  the  Eastern  Indians  should 
Come  to  a  Warr,  I  shall  then  Notify  Your  Excel- 
lency of  it,  &  Expect  Your  Friendship  and  Assist- 
ance therein.  T 

I  am 

T   ,  Your  Excellencies 

Boston    uly  21  u       UT 

J     3  Humble  servant 

Examined  $  J.  Willard  Secry. 

Paper  No.  6  is  the  original  French  of  the  forego- 
ing. 

\Paper  7.] 

CONTEMPORARY  TRANSLATION.* 
GOVERNOUR  VAUDREUIL  TO  FATHER  RALLE. 

Quebec  Le  25th  September  1721. 
I  received  my  Reverend  Father  your  Letters  of  the 
4th  August  ioth  and   14th  this  month,  I    have  a   great 

*For  the  French  of  this  paper,  see  New  England  B.  T.  Bundle  X,  vol. 
16,  office  of  the  Public  Records,  London.  A  verbatim  copy  is  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  author. 


300  Appendix. 

deal  of  Satisfaction  in  your  having  found  means  in 
Concert  with  the  Rev.  Father  Superior  to  reunite  all 
the  Indians  in  the  same  Sentiments,  &  to  Inspire 
them  with  that  Resolution,  with  which  they  Treated 
the  English  in  their  Interview  with  them  ;  I'm  also 
very  well  Satisfied  with  the  Message  they  sent  the 
Governour  of  Boston  I'm  perswaded  it  will  Embar- 
rass him,  and  that  he  will  Elude  as  much  as  he  can 
an  Answer;  But  it's  for  your  Indians  to  see  what 
they  have  to  do,  if  after  the  Remonstrance  they 
Gave  him  he  do  not  Satisfy  their  Demands. 

I'm  of  the  sentiment,  if  they  have  taken  for  me,  a 
sincere  Resolution  not  to  suffer  the  English  on  their 
Land,  that  they  ought  not  to  suspend  Chasing  them 
out,  as  soon  as  possible,  and  by  all  sorts  of  means, 
seeing  they  dont  prepare  to  retire  on  their  own 
accord.  Your  people  ought  not  to  fear  the  want  of 
Ammunition,  since  I  send  them  a  sufficiency,  as  you 
may  see  in  the  Memorandum  Inclosed,  And  that  I'll 
continue  with  other  succours  they  shall  want,  having 
Orders  not  to  lett  them  want,  and  even  to  sustain 
them  if  the  English  attack  them  wrongfully.  I  am 
charmed  that  Owrene  has  thus  distinguished  himself 
in  this  Treaty,  and  that  he  has  laboured  as  he  has 
done,  that  the  speech  of  the  Nation  was  such  to  the 
English,  he'll  receive  for  his  son  Marks  of  the  Satis- 
facon  I  have  for  him,  or  his  services,  for  I  have  sent 
all  you  Desired  for  Him. 

It  is  not  the  Malaowins  that  are  a  setling  the  Isle 
of  St.  Johns,  that  Island,  and  that  of  Magerlaineand 
others  that  are  in  the  Gulph  St.  Lawrence  having 
been  given  by  the  King  to  Mr  Le  Compte  de  St. 
Pierre  who  causes  it  to  be  Inhabited  for  the  Cod 
fishery,  Scales  &  Sea  Cows  so  that  your  Abenakis 
cant  Expect  any  thing  from  that  place. 


Appendix.  301 

I  will  consult,  with  the  Reverend  Father  Superior 
after  what  manner  I  shall  receive  those  of  your  Village 
that  were  attached  to  the  English,  They  are  on  the 
way,  and  may  be  here  about  All  Saints  ;  But  you 
may  depend  I  will  make  the  Degraded  sensible  how 
much  I  am  Discontent  with  their  Conduct.  I  am 
perfectly  my  Reverend  Father  your  Most  Humble 
and  Obedient  servant  <-.  j 

Vaudreuil 

You  may  promise  a  great  Medal  of  the  King  reign- 
ing to  him  that  shall  be  chosen  for  Chief  in  the  place 
of  him  Degraded  _  ^  ;  w;]]ard 


COLONEL  SHUTE  TO  THE  LORDS  COMMISSIONERS  FOR 
TRADE  AND  PLANTATIONS. 

[The  notes  in  the  margin  are  the  remarks  of  the  Lords  Commissioners.] 

My  Lords 

The  last  Letter  I  had  the  honour  to  receive  from 
Your  Lordships  bears  date  the  23d  of  August  last  ; 

And    I    COuld   nOt   Slip     the   first    OpOOr-        He  has  received  the 
1  -n  t    T  T         sio    T-t  i     Boards     Letter    of    asd 

tunity  to  return  the  Kl  HonDle  Board  August,  1721. 
my  gratefull  Acknowledgements  for  the  kind  Repre- 
sentation   your    Lordsps   promise    to    make    to    His 
Majesty  in  relation  to  my  Administration. 

I  hope  my  last  Letter  to  Your  Lordsps  which  bore 
date  Septembr  8th  last  is  arrived. 

The  affairs  of  this  Province  remain  in  the  same 
posture  as  when  I  last  wrote  to  your  Lordsps,  for 
which  Letter  I  acquainted  You  of  the  Affairs  of  the  prov. 
Rebellious  behaviour  of  the  Indians  :  wroteTsV8  Rebellion 
and  find  it  was  chiefly  occasioned  by  sLed^^h^VS 
Monsr  Vaudreuil,  who  is  the  Gov-  *overnor  and  Jesuits- 
ernour  of  Canada,  Permitting  (or  I  rather  fear  en- 
couraging) Father  Le  Chasse  who  is  a  Jesuit  resid- 


3<D2  Appendix. 

ing  with  him,  and  also  Monsr  Croizeen  a  ffrench 
Officer,  to  come  down  into  His  Majestys  Govern- 
ment, and  there  joyn  with  another  French  Jesuit, 
whose  name  is  Raillee,  who  constantly  resides  among 
the  Indians,  that  are  in  His  Majestys  Territories,  who 
all  combined  together  as  Incendiarys  to  perswade 
the  Indians  to  Commit  this  Insult.  These  Proceed- 
ings keep  our  Eastern  Settlements  constantly 
Alarmed  and  obliges  me  to  keep  Troops  upon  the 
ffrontiers  to  the  great  Expence  of  this  Province 
which  puts  them  under  many  Difficulties.  I  earn- 
HC  desires  the  same  estly  beg  of  your  Lordsps  to  take  this 
Nation  afbeS  co"'  Matter  into  Your  wise  Consideration 
and  more  Especially  since  these  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  French  are  directly  Contrary  to  the 
Treaties  that  have  been  made  between  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain  &  France. 

I  am  with  great  regard 
My  Lords 

Your  Lordships 
most  humble  Servant 

Samuel  Shute. 

Boston  December  i3th  1721 

To  the  Rl  Honble  the  Lords  of  Trade  &c. 

Reed.  Janry  3ist 

Read  6th  Febr^ 
X.  43.     B.  T.  New  England,  Vol.  16. 


COL°    SHUTE    TO    THE  LORDS    COMMISSIONERS     FOR 

TRADE  AND  PLANTATIONS. 
BOSTON  New  England  March  i3th  1721. 
My  Lords 

In  my  Letter  of  the  13th  of  December  last  to  the 
Rl  Honble  Board  I  took  the  liberty  to  hint  to  your 


Appendix.  303 

Lordships  that  I  had  good  reason   to     He  suspects  Mr.  vau- 
suspect    that     Monsr    Vaudreuil     the  S^ASLj1^ 
Governour  of  Canada  did  Underhand  subiects- 
stir  up  my  Neighbouring  Indians  to  Maletreat  His 
Majestys  liege  Subjects. 

The  Inclosed  Letters  will  give  plain  Demonstration 
that  my  Suspicions  were  well  Grounded.  I  have 
only  sent  your  Lordships  well  attested  His  SUSpicions  wen 
Copys,  not  daring  to  send  the  Origi-  erounded- 
nals  and  run  the  risque  of  the  Sea  sends  copies  of  Letters. 
without  direct  Orders  from  home  so  to  do. 

I  shall  take  the  liberty  to  remarke  to  Your  Lord- 
ships, that  these  Letters  were  found  in  Monsr  Rales 
House  a  ffrench  Jesuite  who  con-  These  Letters  found 
stantly  resides  among  my  Neighbour-  g,*^11*  «™£ 
ing  Indians  &  is  Useing  his  Utmost  theEn*lish- 
Indeavours  to  Engage  them  in  a  War  against  the 
English. 

Your  Lordsp5  will  observe  that  the  ffrench  Govern- 
ment (in  the  Inclosed  Letters)  Advise  the  Indians 
to  drive  the  English  off  from  their 

i  i  /•  i    •    i       T  i  French  advise  Indians 

Lands ;  from  which   1   must   remarke  to  drive  English  oft 

,,  11-1  i  T  i        their  Lands. 

to  Your  Lordships  that  those  Lands 
which  the  ffrench  Government  call  the  Indians  Land, 
are  Lands  which  the  English  have  long  Since  pur- 
chased of  the  Indians,  and  have  good  Deeds  to  pro- 
duce for  the  Same,  &  have  also  Erected  some  fforts 
thereupon  ;  and  that  the  said  Lands  have  been  at 
Several  Gen11  Meetings  of  the  Indians  and  English 
Confirmed  to  them,  and  once  Since  my  being  Govern- 
our of  these  Provinces,  as  will  Appear  by  the  In- 
closed Treaty  of  the  19th  August  1717. 

I  also  take  the  Liberty  to  Acquaint  Your  Lordshp5 
that  full  Credence  ought  to  be  given  to  Monsr  Vau- 
dreuils  Letters,  I  being  well  Ac-  Mr.  vaudreuirs  Lres 
quainted  with  his  hand,  having  re-  Authcnllck 


304  Appendix. 

ceived  Several  letters  from  him  since  my  residing  in 
these  Parts,  and  have  compared  the  Originals  I  have 
by  me,  with  those,  I  had  formerly  received  from  him; 
and  find  them  to  Agree  Exactly. 

As  for  Monsr  Begon  the  Intendants  Letter  I  can- 

not Speak  so  plumply  to  it  because  I  never  had  any 

Beiives  Mr.  Begons  Correspondence  with  him,  but  am  well 

Informed   the  Original   is  of  his  writ- 

ing. 

I    further  Judge   it    necessary  to    Acquaint  your 

Lordships  that  in  a  piece  of  a  letter  where  the  name 

and    date    were    cutt    out    there    is 

Charlevoix  made  In-    •.  ,  .  .  „.         ,  .  , 

of  Accady  &  Mention  made  of  one  Charlevoix  who 


comes  from   the  Court   of  ffrance  in 

the   quality  of  an    Inspector  to   make    Memoirs  on 

Acady  &  Missisipi  &  the  other  Countrys  thereabouts. 

The  Indians  have  lately  killed  some  of  our  Cattle 

&  threaten  our  Eastern  Settlements,  So  that  I   am 

,  Fears  an  U  nder  some  Apprehension  that  a  War 

Indian  war.         wju  break  out   this  Summer  (which  I 

will  Indeavour  if  possible  to  prevent)  Except  Some 

Measures  be  taken   to  Oblige  the  ffrench  Govern- 

ment at  Canada  to  Act  Strictly  up  to   the  Stipula- 

tions Agreed  to,  betwixt  the  Crowns  of  Great  Brit- 

tain  &  France. 

I  am 
My  Lords 

Your  Lordships 

most  humble  Servant 
Samll  Shute. 

To  the  Rl  Honble  the  Lords  of  Trade  &c. 
B.  T.  New  England  vol.  16  Bundle  6. 


Appendix.  305 

A   LETTER  FROM   His  EXCELLENCY  THE  GOVERNOUR 

TO  THE   MARQUESS   DE  VAUDREUIL  GOVERNOUR  OF 

CANADA. 

(Copy) 

Sir 

Since  the  finishing  of  my  Letter  of  the  14th  of 
March  last  past  I  have  the  honour  to  receive  one  of 
yours  dated  at  Quebec  the  22d  day  of  December  last, 
Consisting  of  several  -Articles  to  which  I  shall  En- 
deavour to  give  a  particular  answer.  And  first,  As 
to  the  Order  of  the  Regent  of  France  for  the  Re- 
turn of  the  English  Captives  I  have  Inclosed  you 
a  Faithful  Translation  of  the  Original,  by  which  you 
will  Judge  whether  I  have  been  under  any  Mistake 
in  that  matter,  and  notwithstanding  what  you  are 
pleased  to  say  of  the  Liberty  that  was  given  to  the 
Prisoners  to  return,  yet  I  am  well  Informed  there 
was  such  pains  taken  &  Arts  used  to  dissuade  them 
that  they  could  not  be  said  to  act  at  full  liberty. 

In  my  other  Letter,  I  have  given  you  a  large  Ac- 
count of  the  Insult  of  the  Indians  at  Arowsick  and, 
yet  from  some  passages  in  your  Letter  I  am  Obliged 
to  act  something  further  in  this ;  You  are  pleased  to 
call  Arowsick  (where  the  Indians  made  their  Hostile 
appearance)  a  place  of  the  Indians  own  Land  ;  I 
persuade  myself,  if  you  knew  the  Circumstances  of 
that  part  of  this  Province,  you  would  not  be  of  that 
opinion  :  Arowsick  is  a  small  Island  at  the  Mouth  of 
one  of  our  Chief  Rivers,  purchased  by  good  Deeds 
from  the  Natives  near  Seventy  years  agone,  and  set- 
tled with  a  good  English  Village  above  fifty  years 
since  ;  Besides  a  Patent  of  Confirmation  from  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain  to  the  Purchasers  ;  since  my 
arrival  in  this  Government  the  Inhabitants  of  that 
place  have  sent  a  Burgess  to  represent  them  in  the 
39 


306  Appendix. 

General  Assembly  of  this  Province,  and  yet  you  are 
pleased  to  call  this  Town  a  place  of  the  Indians  own 
Lands. 

That  the  Indians  will  deny  their  own  Deeds  tho 
never  so  Solemnly  Ratified  and  justly  Obtained,  I 
am  very  apt  to  Believe,  but  in  the  meantime  that 
does  not  destroy  the  Title  to  such  Lands;  neither 
can  I  be  of  your  opinion,  as  to  their  Treaties,  That 
they  are  Null,  because  the  Body  of  their  Nation 
shall  please  afterwards  to  Disavow  it ;  I  am  sure  it 
is  otherwise  by  the  Law  of  Nations  and  usage  of  all 
Civillized  Governments  in  the  World;  all  Treaties, 
Stipulations,  and  Transactions  that  are  Managed 
and  Concluded  by  Plenipotentiaries  or  Delegates 
being  Obligatory  to  the  Nation  or  Government  that 
Imploy  them  ;  Now  it  is  Notorious,  That  at  all 
times  when  this  Government  Accepted  the  submis- 
sion of,  or  Treated  with  those  Eastern  Indians,  their 
Delegates,  or  some  of  their  Chiefs  were  present,  and 
produced  their  Powers  or  Credentials  from  the  Tribe  ; 
And  it  is  very  wrong  and  unjust  in  them  to  Insinu- 
ate, That  they  were  ever  menaced  or  forced  into  any 
of  their  Deeds,  Treaties  or  Submissions. 

They  have  also  misinformed  you  in  Saying,  That 
I  had  appointed  to  meet  them  the  last  year ;  for  on 
the  Contrary  I  sent  them  word  by  an  Express,  That 
some  of  the  Principal  Gentlemen  of  this  Government 
would  see  and  treat  with  them  at  Arowsick,  who  ac- 
cordingly went  thither,  but  finding  no  Indians  re- 
turned. 

As  to  their  Insolent  Letter,  I  shall  say  no  more  of 
it  in  this,  having  taken  particular  notice  of  it  in  my 
other. 

I  am  obliged  to  you  for  your  Grave  Advice  against 
a  War  with  those  Salvages,  and  am  very  sensible  of 


Appendix.  307 

the  hazzards,  mischiefs  and  Expence  of  it,  And  I  as- 
sure you,  I  have  no  design  at  present  to  Enter  into 
a  War  with  them,  unless  they  force  the  Government 
upon  it. 

All  that  I  design  at  present,  and  which  I  am  firmly 
Resolved  in  is,  to  Defend  and  Protect  the  English 
Inhabitants  of  this  Governm1  in  their  just  rights,  and 
Possessions  from  the  Injuries  and  Insults  of  the  In- 
dians, and  I  hope  for  the  Divine  Assistance  and 
Blessing  in  so  doing,  Having  my  Great  Masters 
positive  Orders  to  Maintain  all  the  English  Garrisons 
and  settlements  in  those  parts  of  the  province. 

You  are  pleased  to  say  that  the  Abanakis  Nation 
are  under  the  Protection  of  the  Crown  of  France,  If 
you  Intend  the  Indians  at  Norridgewack,  It  is  the 
first  time  I  have  heard  the  French  pretend  to  any 
such  thing,  much  less  can  I  conceive  upon  what 
Foundation  it  subsists.  If  they  chuse  the  Allyance 
and  Protection  of  the  French,  In  Gods  Name,  let 
them  move  into  the  Confines  of  the  Government  of 
Canada  ;  I  am  very  sure  the  place  of  their  residence 
at  present  Viz4  Norridgewack  is  within  the  Territory 
of  Great  Britain,  and  accordingly  they  have  Actually 
by  many  Solemn  Treaties  upon  Record  in  this  Gov- 
ernment, Put  themselves  under  His  Majesty's  Pro- 
tection, and  received  Marks  of  his  Royal  Favour; 
As  you  may  depend  upon  it,  I  shall  never  Concern 
myself  with  any  of  the  Indian  Tribes  that  live  within 
the  bounds  of  Canada,  or  any  French  Government ; 
so  I  Expect  to  be  Treated  on  your  part. 

You  are  very  particular  in  Your  account  of  Monsr 
Bellisle,  who  it  seems  was  not  with  the  Indians;  But 
then  you  are  very  silent  as  to  Monsr  Croissel,  who 
was  a  French  Office  and  under  your  Command,  and 
yet  at  the  Head  of  the  Indians  at  Arowsick.  This 


308  Appendix. 

even  by  your  own  Letter,  was  not  Agreeable  to  the 
Treaty  of  Peace  &  Friendship  between  the  Two 
Crowns. 

As  to  Monsr  Casteen,  before  the  receiving  of  your 
Letter,  I  had  by  the  Consent  of  the  General  Assem- 
bly of  this  Province,  Given  Orders  for  his  Discharge 
and  return  ;  But  then  it  was  upon  his  humble  sub- 
mission &  Parole  of  good  Behaviour  for  the  future 
towards  this  Government,  as  to  himself  personally, 
so  also  very  much  with  respect  to  the  Indian  Tribe  at 
Penobscot ;  And  tho  you  seem  to  be  of  Opinion, 
That  the  sending  for  him  was  so  very  wrong  and  un- 
justifyable,  yet  he  himself  was  sensible  of  the  Con- 
trary, and  has  acknowledged  by  a  Memorial  under 
his  hand,  That  by  his  appearance  with  the  Indians 
at  Arowsick  he  had  given  just  occasion  to  this  Gov- 
ernment to  call  him  to  an  account. 

As  to  Monsr  Ralle's  Mission  among  the  Indians,  I 
shall  be  Glad,  if  by  his  preaching  he  has  brought 
those  poor  Salvages  any  thing  nearer  to  the  King- 
dom of  Heaven,  than  they  were  before  he  went 
thither;  But  that  which  I  have  to  say  to  him,  and  to 
you  upon  his  Account  is,  That  Norridgewack  the 
seat  of  his  Mission,  is  within  the  Territory  of  His 
Majesty  King  George,  and  that  it  is  Contrary  to  an 
Act  of  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  Law  of 
this  Province  for  a  Jesuit  or  Romish  Priest  to  Preach 
or  even  reside  in  any  part  of  the  British  Dominions. 

I  have  now,  I  think,  Given  you  a  particular  answer 
to  everything  you  were  pleased  to  Observe  to  me ;  I 
should  have  been  much  better  pleased  our  Corre- 
spondence might  have  turned  on  a  Subject  more 
Agreeable  and  Pleasant ;  I  shall  be  very  Glad,  while 
I  have  the  Honour  to  be  in  this  Government,  to  live 
in  perfect  Peace  with  our  Eastern  Indians  and 


Appendix.  309 

nothing  shall  be  wanting  on  my  part ;  At  the  same 
time,  I  must  Intreat  you  to  use  all  your  Interest  and 
Influence  (which  I  believe  to  be  very  Considerable) 
for  the  Same  good  purpose  :  This  is  what  you  have 
once  and  again,  in  your  former  Letters  Given  me  an 
assurance  of. 

I  am,  Sir, 

Your  very  Humble  &  Obedient 
Servant 

Sam11  Shute. 
Boston  April  23d 

1722 
Examined  ^>  J  Willard  Secry. 


JOURNAL  OF  THE   HOUSE   OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 

At  a  Great  and  General  Court  or  Assembly  of  His 
Majesty  s  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New 
England.  Begun  and  Held  at  Boston  on  the  y^th 
day  of  May,  1722,  &c. 

June  29  1722. 

•*###*#-*#-#-*#*-3f## 

p.  51.  Ordered,  That  an  Officer  with  Two  or 
Three  Soldiers  in  the  Service  be  sent  forthwith  to 
Norridgewock  in  the  Name  of  this  Government  to 
demand  the  Liberty  and  Restitution  of  His  Majesty's 
good  Subjects  lately  surprized  and  carried  away  by 
the  Indians. 

That  His  Excellency  the  Governour  be  desired  to 
send  a  proper  Remonstrance  to  that  Tribe  of  Indians 
upon  their  late  Insults  and  Hostilities  in  Kennebeck- 
River,  and  at  Damaras-Cove,  demanding  as  well  their 
Reasons,  as  a  Satisfaction  for  the  Injuries  and  Dam- 


310  Appendix. 

ages  done  by  them.  To  observe  to  them  that  their 
Indians  now  with  us  were  delivered  as  Hostages  with 
their  free  consent,  not  only  for  the  Payment  of  Two 
Hundred  Beaver  Skins,  but  also  for  the  good  Be- 
haviour of  the  Norridgewock  Tribe  towards  the 
English,  That  they  have  not  paid  the  said  Bever 
Skins,  much  less  have  they  behaved  themselves  well 
towards  this  Government.  That  though  this  Gov- 
ernment ordered  a  March  up  to  their  Head  Quarters 
last  Winter  yet  no  Violence  or  Damage  was  done  to 
the  Persons  or  Goods  of  the  Indians,  Whereas  on 
the  other  side  the  Indians  Against  all  Justice,  and  in 
a  barbarous  manner  have  lately  burnt  and  destroyed 
Houses,  Mills,  and  a  Number  of  Cattle,  with  little  or 
no  Advantage  to  themselves,  leaving  the  Carcasses  of 
the  Creatures  to  rot  on  the  ground  ;  besides  taking  a 
great  deal  of  Plunder.  In  case  they  do  not  return 
the  Persons  so  taken  by  the  Messengers,  Then  to 
propose  their  Appearing  before  Commissioners  at 
Time  and  Place  to  be  appointed  by  this  Government, 
bringing  with  them  the  English  People  taken  as 
aforesaid :  Then  and  there  to  make  or  propose  some 
suitable  Satisfaction  for  the  Damages  done  by  them  ; 
which  if  refused,  to  assure  them  that  this  Government 
will  take  effectual  Methods  to  compel  them  thereto ; 
That  a  suitable  Messenger  be  sent  to  the  Penobscot 
Tribe  to  enquire  whether  they  were  any  ways  con- 
cern'd  in  or  did  assist  the  Kennebeck  Tribe  in  their 
late  Insults  and  Hostilities  aforesaid? 
Sent  down  for  Concurrence. 

J.  Willard,  Seer. 


Appendix.  3 1 1 

July  6.      1722. 

P  60  #-fc-*#-£###-###  re- 
verted, that  two  meet  Persons  with  a  skilful 
Interpreter  be  immediately  dispatched  to  Nor- 
idgawack  or  elsewhere,  where  the  Heads  of  the 
Tribes  of  the  Eastern  Indians  may  be  found,  under 
a  Flagg  of  Truce,  with  a  written  Message  from  this 
Government  to  thern  demanding  the  Reasons  for 
their  late  Insults  and  Acts  of  Hostilities  in  surpriz- 
ing so  many  of  His  Majesty's  good  Subjects  and  de- 
stroying their  Substance  directly  contrary  to  the 
Articles  of  Peace  formerly  stipulated  with  this  Gov- 
ernment, That  the  Messengers  propose  to  the  In- 
dians, that  they  or  their  delegates  Meet  with  the 
Commissioners  appointed  by  this  Government  at 
Arrowsick  some  time  in  this  Month,  where  they  may 
be  assured  to  see  our  Commissioners,  and  upon  their 
Surrender  and  Delivery  of  all  His  Majesty's  good 
Subjects  there,  which  they  have  lately  seiz'd  and 
surpriz'd  as  aforesaid,  the  Commissioners  will  de- 
liver up  the  Hostages,  and  will  also  be  fully  im- 
powered  by  this  Government  to  Treat  and  Conferr 
with  them  on  any  just  Article  of  Grievance  between 
this  Government  and  them,  and  that  Col.  Turner 
Esq  ;  Major  John  Ouincey  and  Mr  John  Dyer  be 
a  Committee  for  the  Ends  aforesaid,  and  that  His 
Excellency  be  desired  to  give  Orders  that  the  said 
Commissioners  (with  the  Hostages)  immediately  pro- 
ceed to  Arowsick  aforesaid,  (with  agreeable  Instruc- 
tions). Sent  up  for  Concurrence. 

•K-***-3f**-X-##***#* 

B  T.,  New  England,  Vol.  16. 


3 1 2  Appendix. 

Gov*    SHUTE   TO    THE    LORDS    COMMISSIONERS    FOR 

TRADE  AND  PLANTATIONS 
My  Lords 

Since  I  had  the  honour  to  write  to  Your  Lord- 
ships which  was  in  March  last,  I  Received  a  Letter 
from  Monsr  Vaudreuil  the  Governour  of  Canada, 
which  was  in  Answer  to  two  Letters  I  Sent  him,  in 
which  he  openly  Declares,  that  he  has  and  will  assist 
the  Indians,  and  that  he  has  Orders  from  the  Court 
of  France  so  to  do. 

All  the  Indians  that  Border  upon  the  Sea  Coast, 
by  the  Instigations  of  the  French  have  lately  Robbed 
&  Plundered  our  Sloops  &  fallen  upon  our  ffishing 
Vessells,  and  killed  two  of  His  Majestys  Subjects  ; 
at  the  Same  time  our  Eastern  Indians  Notwithstand- 
ing their  Repeated  Submissions  to  His  Majestys 
Crown  and  Government  have  fallen  upon  our  East- 
ern Settlements  &  killed  and  wounded  some  of  the 
Inhabitants,  burnt  their  houses  &  Destroyed  their 
Cattle,  which  has  Obliged  me  with  the  Advice  of 
His  Majestys  Council  to  Issue  forth  the  Inclosed 
Declaration. 

I  hope  your  Lordships  will  speedily  lay  that  Af- 
fair before  His  Majesty  in  order  to  obtain  some  Re- 
dress for  this  Province  will  not  be  long  able  to  sup- 
port the  war  which  is  now  begun  I  am  with  great 
respect  My  Lords 

Your  Lordships  most  humble  Servant 
Boston  New  Samll  Shute. 

England  July  27th  1722 

To  the  R1  Honble  The  Lords  of  Trade  &  Planta- 
tions. 

Reed  Septemr  ioth  ) 
Read      do        i2th[I722> 
B.  T.     New  England.     Vol.  16,  Bundle  X,  89. 


Appendix.  313 

DECLARATION  "OF  Govr  SIIUTE. 
[inclosed  in  Letter  of  27th  July  1722] 

By  His  Excellency, 
Samuel    Shute,    Esq ; 

Captain  General  and  Governour  in  Chief,  in  and  over 
His  Majesty's  Province  of  the  -  Massachusetts-Bay, 
in  New  England.  &c. 

o 

A  DECLARATION 
against  the  Eastern- Indians. 

WHEREAS,  the  Indians  Inhabiting  the  Eastern  Parts 
of  this  Province,  notwithstanding  their  Repeated 
Submissions  to  His  Majesty's  Crown  and  Govern- 
ment, their  Publick  and  Solemn  Treaties  and  En- 
gagements Entered  into  with  the  Government  here 
Established  to  Demean  themselves  Peaceably  and 
amicably  towards  His  Majesty's  good  Subjects  of 
this  Province  ;  and  notwithstanding  the  Kind  and 
good  Treatment  they  have  Received  from  this  Gov- 
ernment ;  Have  for  some  years  last  past  appeared  in 
Considerable  Numbers,  and  in  an  Hostile  Manner, 
and  given  Disturbance  to  His  Majesty's  Subjects  in 
the  Eastern  Parts  of  this  Province,  Killing  their  Cat- 
tle, and  Threatning  Destruction  to  their  Persons  and 
Estates  ;  and  in  abuse  of  the  Lenity  and  Forbearance 
of  the  Government,  have  lately  with  the  utmost  In- 
justice and  Treachery,  proceeded  to  Plunder,  De- 
spoil, and  take  Captive  many  of  his  Majesty's  good 
Subjects,  to  Assault,  Take,  Burn  and  Destroy  Vessels 
upon  the  Sea  Coast,  and  Houses  and  Mills  upon  the 
Land,  to  Wound  some,  and  in  the  most  Barbarous 
and  Cruel  Manner  to  Murder  others  of  the  Inhabi- 
tants of  this  Province,  and  in  a  Way  of  Open  Rebel- 
40 


3 1 4  Appendix. 

lion  and  Hostility  to  make  an  Audacious  and  Furious 
Assault  upon  One  of  His  Majesty's  Forts,  where  the 
King's  Colours  were  Flying  : 

I  Do  Therefore,  by  and  with  the  Advice  of  His 
Majesty's  Council,  hereby  Declare  and  proclaim  the 
said  Eastern  Indians,  with  their  Confederates,  to 
be  Rebels,  Traitors  and  Enemies  to  His  Majesty 
King  George,  His  Crown  and  Dignity,  and  that  they 
be  henceforth  proceeded  against  as  such;  Willing 
and  Requiring  all  His  Majestys  good  subjects,  as 
they  shall  have  opportunity,  to  do  and  Execute  all 
Acts  of  hostility  upon  them  ;  hereby  also  forbidding 
all  his  Majesty's  Subjects  to  hold  any  Correspondence 
with  the  said  Indians,  or  to  give  Aid,  Comfort,  Suc- 
cour, or  Relief  unto  them ;  on  Penalty  of  the  Laws 
in  their  Case  made  and  provided. 

And  whereas  there  may  be  some  of  the  said  Indians 
who  have  not  been  Concerned  in  the  Perfidious  and 
Barbarous  Facts  before  mentioned,  and  may  be  De- 
sirous to  put  themselves  under  the  Protection  of  this 
Government. 

To  the  Intent  that  the  utmost  Clemency  may  be 

shown  to  such 

I  do  hereby  Grant  and  Allow  them  to  come  in, 
and  render  themselves  to  the  Commanding  officer 
of  the  Forces,  or  to  the  respective  officer  of  any 
Party  or  Parties  in  the  Service  ;  provided  it  be  within 
Forty  Days  from  this  time. 

AND  to  the  Intent  that  none  of  Our  Friend- 
Indians  may  be  Exposed,  or  any  Enemy  or 
Rebel  Indians  Escape  on  pretence  of  being 
Friends; 

I  do  hereby  also  strictly  forbid  any  of  the  said 
Friend-Indians  to  move  out  of  their  respective  Plan- 


Appendix.  3 1 5 

tations,  or  such  other  Places  whereto  they  shall  be 
assigned  ;  or  to  come  into  any  English  Town,  or 
District  within  the  late  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts- 
Bay,  or  the  County  of  York,  without  special  Order 
in  Writing  from  My  Self  (or  being  Attended  with  such 
English  Man  as  I  shall  appoint  to  Oversee  them)  at 
their  Peril,  and  as  they  tender  their  own  Safety. 

And  further,  I  forbid  all  the  Friend-Indians  to 
hold  Communication  with,  Harbour,  or  Conceal  any 
of  the  said  Rebel  or  Enemy  Indians  ;  requiring  them 
to  seize,  and  secure  all  such  that  may  Come  among 
them,  and  to  Deliver  them  up  to  Justice.. 

And  all  Military  Commission  Officers  are  hereby 
Authorized  and  Commanded  to  put  this  Declaration 
and  Order  in  Execution. 

Given  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Boston,  the 
Twenty-fifth  Day  of  July,  in  the  Eighth  Year 
of  the  Reign  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  GEORGE, 
by  the  Grace  of  GOD  of  Great  Britain,  France 
and  Ireland,  KING,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  &c 
Annoque  Domini,  1722. 

S.  Shute. 

By  Order  of  His  Excellency 
the  Governour,  by  and 
with  the  Advice  of  the 
Council, 

Josiah  Willard,  Seer. 

GOD  SAVE  THE  KING. 


IN    THE  HOUSE  OF    REPRESENTATIVES  —  AUGUST  8th 

1722. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency, 

Your    Excellency   having  at  the  Opening  of  this 
Session  Acquainted  the  Court  that  by  and  with  the 


3 1 6  Appendix. 

Advice  of  His  Majesty's  Council,  You  have  Issued 
out  a  Declaration  against  the  Indians  as  Rebels  and 
Traitors  to  His  Majesty's  Government,  for  breaking 
through  their  Repeated  Solemn  Treaties  and  En- 
gagements and  frequent  Submissions  to  His  Majesty, 
by  their  many  ways  destroying  the  Eastern  Settle- 
ments, and  Cruelly  Murdering  some  of  His  Majes- 
ty's Liege  Subjects  Inhabiting  there.  This  House 
having  had  due  Consideration  thereof  do  hereby 
Declare  and  Manifest  that  Your  Excellency  and 
Council  had  Just  and  Sufficient  Reasons  to  Resent 
the  many  Repeated  Insults  and  Outrages  done  and 
perpetrated  by  those  Indian  Salvages  on  the  People 
Inhabiting  those  Parts,  by  declaring  them  to  be 
Rebels  and  Traitors  as  aforesaid  :  And  we  deem  it 
our  indispensable  Duty  and  Interest  at  this  Juncture 
to  pursue  those  Indians  in  a  most  Vigorous  War 
(agreeable  to  Your  Excellency's  Sentiments  thereon) 
that  so  by  the  Blessing  of  God  on  our  Just  Endeav- 
ours they  may  be  never  able  more  to  rise  up  against 
this  People,  and  Your  Excellency  may  depend  upon 
all  Chearful  and  necessary  Assistance  from  this 
House  to  pursue  that  Matter. 
#•#•*###•*##•*#•*•*## 

Voted,  That  a  Message  be  sent  to  His  Excellency 
the  Governour  desiring  there  may  be  laid  before  this 
House  an  Account  of  the  Number  of  Forces  in  the 
Service  on  the  Frontiers,  how  they  are  Posted,  and 
what  Instructions  are  given  to  the  Commanding 
Officer,  for  their  Prosecuting  the  War  against  the 
Eastern  Rebels. 

Penn  Townsend  Esq,  brought  down  the  Number 
and  Disposition  of  the  Soldiers  in  the  Publick  Ser- 
vice, viz. 


Appendix.  317 

412  Men  in  the  East  Part  of  the  Province  of 
Maine. 

60  Men  gone  on  the  Coast  of  Cape  Sables  to 
recover  the  Fishing  Vessels  taken  by  the 
Indians,  Upon  their  Return  to  be  added 
to  the  Forces  in  the  Province  of  Maine. 

20  Men  gone  with  Capt.  Westbrook  to  Sl. 
George's  River. 

15   Men,  a  Scout  from  Dracut  to  Lancaster. 

20  A  Scout,  at  Rutland. 

20  At  Brookfield. 

10  At  Sunderland. 

20  At  Deerfield. 

14  Added  to  the  Garrison  at  Northfield. 
30  A  Scout  for  York,  Berwick  and  Wells. 

15  A  Scout  at  Haverhill. 


636 

And  further,  That  their  Orders  were  only  to  cover 
the  Frontiers,  and  secure  their  Harvests.  And  that 
there  had  been  no  Order  sent  to  the  Officers  since 
the  Declaration  of  War. 

*************.*# 


ALEXANDER  HAMILTON'S  JOURNAL. 

Half  way  House  June  14th  1722. 

on  Kennebec  River. 

This  night  at  ten  a  clock  Alexander  Hamilton  was 
besett  at  his  Dwelling  house  by  a  great  Number  of 
Indians,  with  divers  Can  no's,  who  took  said  Hamil- 
ton out  of  his  Bed,  and  tyed  him  and  fell  a  plunder- 
ing his  Shop  &  Warehouse  until  they  left  nothing  ; 


3 1 8  Appendix. 

And  when  they  had  finished  their  Plundering  One 
Captain  John  an  Indian  Conducting  said  Hamilton 
to  his  Canno,  was  Stopt  by  two  Indians,  one  called 
Captain  Nathaniel,  and  the  other  Sabia  son  to  said 
Nathaniel,  who  Challenged  the  said  Hamilton  as 
their  Prisoner,  in  Regard  that  Sabia  had  first  laid 
Hands  on  said  Hamilton.  This  Dispute  held  a 
Quarter  of  an  hour;  at  last  the  said  Captain  John 
Protested,  if  Hamilton  were  not  allowed  to  be  his 
Prisoner  he  would  Immediately  kill  him  ;  so  drawing 
a  Stroak  with  an  ax  on  said  Hamilton's  head  ;  said 
Nathaniel  and  son  held  his  Arm  &  told  the  said  Cap- 
tain John,  rather  than  Hamilton  should  be  killed  they 
would  allow  it.  After  the  Dispute  Hamilton  was 
ledd  to  Captn  Johns  Canno,  and  so  proceeded  to 
Norridgewack  &  Stopt  at  the  Chapps  of  Merry 
meeting  Bay,  where  were  a  great  number  of  Captives 
in  the  House  of  Captn  Robert  Temple,  They  having 
Robb'd  sundry  Houses  that  night,  and  brought  the 
Owners  and  Families  Captives.  Next  morning  being 
the  fifteenth,  the  Indians  Chose  five  Persons  of  the 
said  Captives  Viz1  Zachariah  Trescott  Alexander 
Hamilton  Henry  Edgar  Robert  Love  &  William 
Handsord,  and  having  Stript  the  rest  let  them  go. 
And  suddenly  the  whole  Body  of  Indians  being  forty 
two  in  number  all  Arm'd  &  Painted  for  Warr  At- 
tended with  Nineteen  Canno's  Were  ordered  by 
Wewarena,  an  Indian  who  was  their  Commander  to 
Embarque  for  Norridgewack,  and  setting  fire  to  Capt 
Robert  Temples  House  went  off,  and  landed  pres- 
ently after  at  Abagadasset  point,  where  there  was 
dispatcht  a  number  of  Indians  to  rob  a  House  be- 
longing to  Mr  John  Jeffries.  After  the  performance 
of  which  said  Indians  returned  greatly  Loaden,  and 
threw  that  Plunder  along  with  the  rest,  which  they 


Appendix.  3 1 9 

had  Landed  in  one  heap,  and  so  Divided  the  spoil, 
and  then  Imbarqued  again,  and  proceeded  up  to 
Swan  Island  House,  where  appeared  a  number  of 
Soldiers.  The  Indians  ordered  Hamilton  to  hale 
the  English  and  Desire  them  to  come  to  the  Shore, 
two  of  which  Immediately  came,  and  talked  awhile 
and  so  went  off:  As  also  the  Indians  without  doing 
any  damage,  Save  killing  one  Dogg  and  Cutting  a 
hole  or  two  in  a  Whale  Boat,  and  the  same  in  a 
Canno  that  lay  there,  so  proceeded  further  and  got 
to  Richmond  Fort,  whom  the  said  Hamilton  hailed 
and  begged  they  would  not  fire  upon  us,  and  presently 
after  landed:  And  some  of  the  Soldiers  came  out  to 
us  on  the  Parole  of  the  Indians,  and  talked  a  while. 
The  Indians  told  them  they  need  not  be  afraid,  for 
they  would  kill  none  ;  but  the  Governour  of  Canada 
had  given  them  Orders  to  take  Captives  in  lieu  of 
theirs  whom  the  English  wrongfully  detained  in  Bos- 
ton. Our  Conference  being  ended  we  went  off,  and 
so  arrived  at  a  place  called  Browns  Farm  where  we 
slept  that  night,  and  two  days  after  being  the  Seven- 
teenth got  to  Norridewack  where  we  were  received 
with  great  Joy  by  a  number  of  Squaws  Papooses  and 
the  Jesuit. 

Norridgewack  June  the  2ist  1722. 
Two  Indians  were  dispatcht  away  to  Canada  with 
an  Account  of  the  Indians  taking  of  five  Captives  as 
also    burning  one   House    and    robbing    of    Several 
Families,  &  killing  of  many  Creatures. 

July  22d  1722 

The  two  Indians  Returned  and  reported  They 
were  kindly  received  by  Governour  Vaudreuile  & 
shewing  the  presents  he  had  Given  them,  for  carry- 
ing the  Agreeable  News  of  this  Action  being  a  blue 


320  Appendix. 

laced  coat  and  a  silver  Meddal  which  was  sent  to 
another  Indian  Named  Carabousset,  as  also  Com- 
missioning him  Captain  for  his  Distinguishing  Ac- 
tivity in  that  Expedition. 

The  twenty  ninth  day  arrived  here  Captn  Moses 
Moxus  or  King  at  Norrincowook  from  Canada,  and 
brought  great  quantities  of  Tobacco,  and  told  us,  he 
was  sent  from  Quebec  with  great  honour,  and  had 
the  respect  of  having  the  Guns  firing  &  Trumpets 
sounding  upon  his  Departure. 

September  the  3d 

This  day  arrived  several  Cannes  from  Canada 
bringing  French  Mowhawks  who  live  within  three 
miles  of  Quebec  at  a  place  called  Lorret  They 
Joyned  more  of  their  Nation  who  had  been  here  be- 
fore, who  made  in  all  thirty  five  &  brought  three 
Casks  of  Powder  &  a  great  quantity  of  Tobacco. 
On  their  arrival,  at  one  of  their  Dances  Alexander 
Hamilton  one  of  the  Captives  was  made  a  present 
of  to  them  as  a  Slave  forever,  as  a  Reward  of  their 
Fatigue  in  Coming  to  Assist  in  the  War. 

The  Seventeenth  day. 

The  above  Indians  took  their  Departure  with  their 
above  Slave  Hamilton  bound  for  Canada,  &  at  sev- 
eral carrying  places  the  sd  Hamilton  observed  them 
raise  out  of  the  ground  sundry  Quantities  of  meal, 
pork  and  Tobacco,  which  they  had  been  supplyed 
with  from  the  Governour  of  Canada  for  that  Expe- 
dition. 

The  28th  day. 

The  Indians  &  Hamilton  arrived  at  Canada,  and 
went  by  the  Town  of  Quebec  without  calling,  but 
great  hooping  and  hallowing  of  the  Indians,  and  the 
Captain  of  them  had  a  Scalp  in  the  Nature  of  a  Jack 


Appendix.  321 

in  the  head  of  his  Canno,  which  was  got  at  the  On 
sett  at  Arowsick. 

The  29th  day 

The  Indians  and  Hamilton  Marched  into  the 
Town  of  Quebec,  having-  assembled  the  whole  In- 
dians belonging  to  that  Tribe  living  at  Lorett  as 
aforesd  and  moving  procession  like  with  that  Scalp 
on  one  End  of  a  long  Stick,  Hamilton  the  Captive 
marched  after  all  the  Indians  who  went  one  after 
another  making  great  hooping  &  hallowing,  which 
gathered  all  the  Mobb  &  People  in  the  Town  and 
with  an  Infinite  number  of  Spectators  were  Con- 
ducted to  the  Governor  who  received  the  Indians 
very  cheerfully,  &  Congratulated  them,  and  Immedi- 
ately sent  for  an  Interpreter,  who  related  their  Suc- 
cess and  for  their  reward  in  Assisting  their  Brethren 
the  Eastern  Indians,  they  the  said  Eastern  Indians 
had  made  a  present  of  that  Captive  as  a  slave  shew- 
ing the  said  Hamilton  to  Governour  Vaudreuil,  which 
they  further  added  not  only  Contented  them  but  also 
made  an  Atonement  to  sd  Eastern  Indians  for  a 
Hostage  called  Brasaway  who  dyed  in  Boston,  And 
also  Declared  their  further  Intention  that  they  would 
dispose  of  said  Hamilton  to  an  Indian  Squaw  seventy 
five  Leagues  distant  from  Quebec  in  Order  to  be 
her  Slave  she  having  lost  her  Husband  in  the  former 
War  with  the  English.  All  which  was  related  before 
Governour  Vaudreuil  who  gave  his  Concurrence  and 
wrote  a  Note  by  the  Indians  to  the  Kings  Bakehouse, 
Ordering  every  Indian  there  present  a  loaf  of  Bread 
and  a  Considerable  Quantity  of  Tobacco,  &  so  dis- 
mist  them.  After  the  receipt  of  which,  the  Indians, 
and  said  Hamilton  marched  after  the  Usual  Order  to 
their  Town  and  were  received  there  with  much  In- 
41 


322  Appendix. 

dian  Ceremony,  The  said  Hamilton  continuing  there 
in  a  very  Melancholly  Condition  for  about  fourteen 
days  and  then  got  liberty  to  go  to  Quebec,  in  order 
to  beg  for  as  much  money  as  would  buy  them  shoes 
And  happened  to  meet  with  a  Lady  who  took  Com- 
passion on  him,  and  sent  for  an  Interpreter  whom 
she  desired  to  ask  if  sd  Hamilton  would  live  with  her 
if  she  should  get  him  released  from  the  Indians.  It 
being  so  Agreeable  an  Offer  was  soon  Embraced  by 
sd  Hamilton.  And  in  some  short  time  after  the  Lady 
made  Interest  among  the  Jesuits  &  the  Governour 
who  suddenly  got  him  released  from  the  Indians, 
and  Entertained  him  the  whole  Winter. 

October. 

All  the  Numerous  Families  of  Eastern  Indians 
withdrew  from  Norrid^ewack  and  Wintered  at  the 

O 

Town  of  Wewenack  and  St.  Francis,  the  former 
being  thirty  leagues  distant  from  Quebec  up  the 
River,  and  the  latter  forty  two,  At  their  arrival  were 
presented  with  five  hundred  bushels  of  Indian  Corn 
and  four  Oxen. 

Quebec,  February  the  4th  day. 

Arrived  here  Abomazeen  Wewarana  Westami- 
nut  Capt.  John  and  several  other  Indians  from  We- 
wanuck  who  were  Conducted  to  the  Governour  by 
one  of  the  Jesuits  that  headed  the  Numerous  Army 
of  Indians  at  Arowsick  in  the  year  1721.  They  were 
received  very  kindly  and  Entertained  while  in  Town 
plentifully,  and  sent  off  with  a  quantity  of  Blankets, 
new  Guns,  their  Old  repaired  and  a  Considerable  deal 
of  Amunition,  together  with  presents  of  a  laced  Capp 
to  Weewarena,  and  sundry  presents  to  the  rest.  Some 
of  them  as  they  said  were  bound  to  the  great  pond 
distant  from  Quebec  SSE  about  One  hundred  and 


Appendix.  323 

fifty  miles  where  they  and  several  others  and   the 
Jesuit  Winter'd. 

March  the  5th  day. 

Arrived  here  from  Norridgewack  Wesememis  also 
Cap  Job  Abagahansetts  son  and  sundry  other  Indi- 
ans who  were  Conducted  by  the  Jesuit,  and  received 
with  all  marks  of  Favour  by  the  Governour  &  while 
they  stayed  in  Town  Entertained  plentifully  and  had 
sundry  Presents,  and  were  fitted  out  with  quantities 
of  Ammunition  all  their  Guns  repaired,  and  some 
new  ones  given  them,  and  so  departed. 

March  the  15th  day. 

Departed  hence  twelve  of  the  aforementioned  Mo- 
hawks known  here  by  the  Names  of  Lorett  Indians, 
directly  bound  for  Norridgewack  who  were  fitted  out 
with  all  necessaries  for  War. 

The  2oth  day. 

The  said  Hamilton  being  Desirous  to  go  to  Mount 
Royall  in  Order  to  get  home  as  soon  as  the  Lake 
was  clear  of  the  Ice,  acquainted  the  Governour  who 
said  he  should  not  go  until  he  heard  from  New  Eng- 
land which  hindred  his  Intended  Journey. 

April  19th  1723  N.  S. 

A  Son  of  Coll0  John  Schuyler  of  Albany  arrived 
here,  who  made  Inquiry  for  the  English  Captives, 
who  was  Informed  there  was  two  of  them  in  Town, 
namely  Hamilton  &  Handsord,  upon  his  finding  them 
out  he  told  them  he  would  take  them  home  if  the 
Governour  would  admit  them  They  desired  him  to 
take  the  trouble  to  Speak  to  the  Governour  in  their 
Favour,  who  readily  undertook  it,  and  prevailed  for 
Hamilton  to  go  directly  home,  but  for  Handsord,  the 


324  Appendix. 

Governour  said,  he  Could  not  Answer  that  to  the 
Indians  for  letting  their  Prisoner  go,  for  the  sd 
Handsord  was  only  left  in  Trust  with  a  French 
Gentn  in  Town,  sd  Gentn  was  lyable  to  produce  him  ; 
But  the  Governour  added  to  shew  his  willingness  to 
oblige  Mr  Schuyler,  That  he  in  his  way  to  Mount 
Royal  where  he  was  suddenly  bound  was  to  meet 
with  a  great  number  of  Indians  at  a  Town  called 
Troi  River,  and  there  he  would  speak  in  favour  of 
said  Handsord  to  the  Indians,  &  Endeavour  to  get 
him  returned  ;  and  desired  sd  Schuyler  to  take  sd 
Handsord,  in  his  Canno  along  with  sd  Hamilton 
that  length ;  and  if  he  the  sd  Governor  Could  not 
prevail  with  the  Indians  he  tries'1  Handsord  must  ex- 
pect to  return  to  Quebec  again.  Some  few  days  after 
Mr  Schuyler  Handsord  and  Hamilton  left  Quebec  in 
Company  with  the  Governour  bound  for  Mount 
Royal,  and  got  up  some  days  after  to  Troi  River, 
where  was  a  great  Quantity  of  Indians  Assembled  & 
several  Jesuits,  All  whom  held  a  great  Council,  the 
Governor  making  his  request  in  favor  of  Handsord 
ha4  it  readily  granted  by  the  Indians,  and  some  of  the 
Head  Indians  Attended  the  Governour  to  Mr  Schuy- 
lers  Lodging,  the  Governour  told  him  that  he  had  pre- 
vailed for  said  Handsord,  the  Indians  taking  the  said 
Handsord  by  the  hand,  Delivered  him  to  the  Gov- 
ernour as  a  Present.  The  Governour  presently  after 
Embarqued  and  next  day  sd  Handsord  &  Hamilton 
proceeded  after  him  to  Mount  Royal,  and  when  ar- 
rived there  the  sd  Mr  Schuyler  placed  sd  Hamilton  & 
Handsord  in  a  lodging,  &  told  them  he  should  not 
go  in  fourteen  days,  but  Contrary  to  Expectation  the 
sd  Schuyler  was  orderd  out  of  the  Country  the  next 
morning,  and  was  told  by  sd  Governour  he  should 
not  take  the  Captives  along  with  him.  The  sd  Ham- 


Appendix.  325 

ilton  and  Handsord  meeting  with  a  Gentleman 
named  Deautell  who  could  speak  English,  made 
known  their  Condition  to  him  who  answered  he  had 
formerly  received  great  Friendship  in  New  England  ; 
And  in  return  he  would  let  them  want  nothing  ;  and 
accordingly  took  lodgings  for  the  said  Handsord  & 
Hamilton  &  got  them  Cloaths. 

St.  Francis  May  22d  1721 

A  Great  Council  was  held  there  by  the  Eastern 
Indians  who  Concluded  to  bury  their  Ax,  &  accord- 
ingly did  so  ;  and  at  said  Council  to  shew  their  will- 
ingness to  come  into  a  Peace  with  the  English,  Con- 
cluded to  send  three  of  their  English  Captives  home, 
Namely  Hamilton  Handsord  &  Trescot,  in  order  to 
which  they  brought  sd  Trescott  on  the  29th  of  May  to 
Mount  Royal,  distant  from  St.  Francis  up  the  River 
South  Eighteen  Leagues.  The  next  day  being  the 
thirtyeth  they  held  a  great  Council  in  the  Governours 
hall  where  were  present  the  three  Governours  Viz1  De 
Vaudreuil,  Deramsey  and  Languile  several  Jesuits 
and  Gentn  before  whom  they  discovered  their  intention 
with  respect  to  sending  home  the  English  Captives, 
which  was  presently  Discountenanced  by  the  sd  Gov- 
ernours Especially  Governour  Vaudreuil,  who  told 
them  they  had  senty  forty  or  fifty  Captives  home  to 
the  Encrlish  when  first  the  War  began,  &  desired 
them  to  declare  how  many  of  their  Captives  they  had 
reced  in  return  of  the  above  number  (the  Indians  an- 
swered none)  Therefore  says  Governour  Vaudreuil 
I  think  it  a  piece  of  Inadvertency  of  you  to  Trust 
the  English  Generosity  by  sending  these  Captives  to 
them  unless  you  first  have  yours  Delivered  here 
which  Speach  took  with  the  Indians  &  stopt  the  De- 
livery of  sd  Captives  &  Trescott  was  ordered  down 


326  Appendix. 

to  Sl  ffrancis  to  his  wigwam ;  Handsord  &  Hamilton 
acquainting  the  sd  Trescott  with  their  good  Friend  & 
Benefactor  whom  they  had  met  with  Viz1  Deautell, 
and  how  he  not  only  supplyed  them  with  every  thing, 
but  promised  if  any  of  the  Captives  Could  purchase 
themselves  from  the  Indians  he  would  Disburse  the 
Money  agreed  on  said  Trescott  went  to  Monsr  Dotell 
&  related  his  Melancholly  Circumstances  unto  him. 
The  said  Dotell  made  the  like  offer  to  Mr  Trescott 
as  he  had  done  to  Hamilton  and  Handsord  and  told 
him  he  would  write  him  a  paper  in  ffrench,  which  he 
Desired  him  to  Deliver  the  Governour  and  Conceal 
the  Author.  The  said  Deautell  wrote  the  paper  being 
a  Petition  from  Trescott  wherein  it  set  forth  That  he 
was  a  Subject  of  King  George  and  Inasmuch  as  there 
was  so  good  an  understanding  between  the  two 
Crowns,  he  hoped  his  Excellency  would  get  him  clear 
of  that  Indian  Bondage  that  he  then  Laboured  under ; 
The  Governour  gave  but  little  Encouragem1.  The 
sd  Mr  Dotell  meeting  with  a  Gentleman  who  was  very 
Intimate  with  the  Governour  told  him,  That  he  ad- 
mired That  the  Governour  suffered  King  Georges 
Subjects  to  be  tossed  about  Canada  by  the  Indians 
after  so  Barbarous  a  manner  ;  And  also  said,  It  was 
not  Consistent  with  the  Peace  of  Utrecht,  and  that 
it  would  be  111  lookt  on  at  home  were  it  known. 
The  Gentleman  after  the  Conference  Ended  went 
directly  to  the  Governours,  and  Discovered  what  had 
passed  between  him  and  Mr  Dotell.  The  Gover- 
nour Immediately  sends  for  Mr  Dotell  &  orders  him 
to  Depart  the  Town  &  go  to  Quebec.  Some  few 
days  after  the  sd  Dotell  was  obliged  to  go,  as  Com- 
manded. The  thirtyeth  day  of  May  the  Indians  & 
Trescott  went  from  Mount  Royall  bound  for  Sl 
Francis,  and  before  his  Departure,  Declared  to  the 


Appendix.  327 

English  Captives,  That  they  would  do  any  thing  to 
send  them  home  but  could  not  for  the  Governour  of 
Canada. 

June  the  2d  Day. 

Two  Indians  Named  Abraham  &  Abagahamak 
were  dispatched  to  Albany. 

June  the  ioth  Day. 

Eleven  of  the  Lorett  Indians  returned  to  Mount 
Royall  and  declared  they  lost  one  of  their  Number, 
but  brought  in  seven  English  Scalps,  being  Indians 
which  were  fitted  out  from  Quebec  the  15th  of  Feb- 
ruary. 

The  fifteenth  Day. 

Twenty  Indians  arrived  here  from  Lorett,  and 
were  fitted  out  with  all  necessaries  for  War,  and  in 
two  days  took  their  Departure  for  the  Eastward  of 
New  England,  in  Order  to  revenge  the  Blood  of  the 
Man  they  had  lost  at  North  Yarmouth  the  last 
Spring.  Four  Canno's  with  Eight  Indians  arrived 
here  from  New  England,  and  brought  three  Scalps 
&  presently  departed,  having  first  received  some 
presents. 

Mount  Royall  July  the  8th  1723. 

Abagahamak  one  of  the  two  Indians,  which  was 
Dispatched  to  Albany  returned  here  &  was  imme- 
diately hastened  away  by  the  Governour  to  Cahna- 
wagaw  or  Town  of  Mohawk  Indians  distant  from 
Mount  Royall  four  Leagues  up  the  River.  And  at 
his  return  Informed  the  Captives,  That  he  had  a 
Message  from  the  Governour  desiring  the  aforesd  In- 
dians to  Aid  the  Eastern  Indians;  for  the  English 
had  engaged  the  five  Nations  of  Mohawks  against 
them  ;  And  likewise  said  the  Indians  Intirely  De- 
clined it,  and  was  Resolved  to  stand  Neuter. 


328  Appendix. 

The  ninth  day  of  July. 

Hamilton  having  a  former  promise  of  the  Gover- 
nor of  Canada,  That  upon  the  first  News  he  had 
from  New  England  he  would  let  him  go  home.  That 
upon  the  return  of  a  Message  from  Albany  said 
Hamilton  took  an  Opportunity  of  waiting  on  him  ; 
Being  asked  his  Business,  Answered  his  Excellency, 
he  understood  he  had  heard  from  New  England, 
And  that  pursuant  to  his  promise  he  Expected  he 
would  let  him  go  home.  The  Governour  Answered 
it  was  unreasonable  of  him  to  Expect  he  should  let 
him  go,  Considering  the  English  had  Engaged  the 
five  Nations  of  Mohawks  to  Come  and  kill  his  Ab- 
nakees  als  Eastern  Indians.  And  in  a  great  Passion 
very  much  blamed  the  English  for  their  Extrava- 
gancy in  Giving  One  hundred  Pounds  Beaver  for 
One  Scalp,  and  Sixty  pounds  for  a  Prisoner.  Then 
the  said  Hamilton  told  his  Excellency  he  hoped  his 
Excellency  would  not  resent  the  steps  the  English 
took  to  Justify  themselves  on  him,  in  regard  he  had 
been  the  Main  Instrument  of  getting  him  clear  from 
the  Indians,  And  that  he  would  not  detain  him  any 
longer  in  the  Countrey,  to  make  him  miserable.  To 
which  he  got  no  Answer  which  made  him  urge  fur- 
ther, That  he  hoped  his  Excellency  would  let  him 
take  a  passage  from  Quebec  to  Europe,  he  Answered 
he  should  not.  Upon  which  said  Hamilton  told  his 
Excellency  he  had  spent  a  great  deal  of  Money  in 
the  Countrey,  &  that  he  had  run  so  much  upon 
Credit  already  that  he  could  have  no  more  help 
from  his  Benefactor,  he  Answered  his  Maintenance 
was  none  of  his  Business  &  so  went  away. 

July  the  ioth  day  1723 

Mr  Dotell  arrived  here  from  Quebec  having  no 
time  limited  for  his  stay  there,  and  went  to  pay  his 


Appendix.  329 

respects  to  his  Excellency,  who  upon  his  appearance 
Ordered  him  directly  to  Goal,  and  gave  a  Strict 
charge  to  the  Goaler  to  let  none  of  his  English  Cap- 
tives have  any  Communications  with  him. 

July  the  30th  day  1723 

Governour  Vaudreuil  sent  for  Hamilton  the  Cap- 
tive, and  ordered  him  to  get  ready  to  go  down  to 
Quebec  with  him  by  two  a  Clock  which  he  Observed 
&  Embarqued  with  the  Governour,  Attended  by 
his  Secretary,  his  Life  Guard  and  an  Interpreter. 

On  the  15th  arrived  at  S1  Francis  where  was  a  great 
number  of  Indians  together  with  a  Jesuit  drawn  up 
on  the  shore  Expressing  their  joy  by  a  Dance  for 
his  Excellencies  safe  arrival;  presently  after  they 
held  a  Council,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  finished,  said 
Hamilton  was  ordered  to  Come  before  them,  and 
Desired  by  his  Excellency  to  Give  Attention  to  what 
the  Indians  said,  and  relate  it  to  his  Governour  and 
Council  when  he  should  go  hence.  The  said  Hamil- 
ton made  Answer  he  Chose  to  take  in  Writing  by  rea- 
son it  would  be  too  Burthensome  to  his  Memory  The 
Governour  Desired  him  to  go  next  day  and  take 
the  Interpreter  along  with  him  to  the  Indian  Town 
where  the  Jesuit  lived,  and  he  would  repeat  the 
whole  sentiments  of  the  Indians  which  they  told  to 
him,  as  also  his  willingness  to  assist  in  making  a 
Peace  for  the  English.  Said  Hamilton  Enquired 
of  His  Excellency,  if  there  should  be  a  Cessation  of 
Arms  until  he  got  home  to  Inform  his  Government 
of  what  was  proposed  by  the  Indians,  and  his  Ex- 
cellency turned  to  the  Jesuit  whose  opinion  he 
wanted,  who  Immediately  shew  his  Dislike,  and  In- 
stantly answered  to  Hamilton  the  War  must  go  on. 
42 


330  Appendix. 

Wanagungus  the  i6th  day. 

This  morning  the  Interpreter  and  said  Hamilton 
got  here,  and  with  much  difficulty  obtained  the  In- 
dians Speech  to  be  Translated  into  English,  but  the 
Jesuit  would  have  it  after  his  manner  of  broken  Eng- 
lish, least  he  should  add  more  than  the  Intent  of 
the  matter  mentioned,  and  was  so  Exact,  that  he 
took  the  copy  of  what  was  drawn  up  by  sd  Hamilton. 
The  same  Evening  Captain  Nathaniel  an  Eastern 
Indian  and  Hamilton  happened  to  discourse  on 
several  Passages,  Nathaniel  told  sd  Hamilton  That 
he  in  some  few  sleeps  would  Visit  the  Western  parts 
of  New  England  with  the  Army  that  he  saw  the  day 
before  at  the  Council,  which  consisted  of  between 
fifty  and  sixty  men.  The  said  Hamilton  Declares 
That  the  Ammunition  and  Bisket  (as  he  has  Reason 
to  believe)  were  brought  into  the  Canno  from  Mount 
Royall  for  to  fit  out  the  said  Indians  for  that  Expe- 
dition, as  also  a  fat  Cow  Ordered  them  at  Sl  Francis 
for  the  same  purpose. 

This  1 8th  July. 

Sett  out  for  Albany  in  Company  with  three  In- 
dians and  arrived  the  17th  July  at  Fort  Chambly,  and 
the  said  Hamilton  shewed  his  passport  to  the  Com- 
ander  there,  and  so  proceeded  towards  the  Lake. 
The  19th  July  we  were  met  with  four  Indians  with 
four  Indian  Cannes  Laden  with  Beaver  bound  for 
Albany,  and  about  tew  a  Clock  at  night  were  Ques- 
tioned by  a  large  Canno  Manned  with  eight  Sol- 
diers, who  Imagined  we  had  been  laden  with  Beaver 
bound  to  Albana,  which  Trade  by  the  Law  of 
Canada  is  prohibited,  and  Demanded  a  Passport 
which  was  produced  and  perused  by  them  and  the 
sd  Hamilton  &  Compa  was  dismist. 


Appendix.  331 

The  twenty  first  day  of  July  the  sd  Hamilton  ob- 
served one  of  the  Indians  perusing  a  paper  which 
was  Wrote  in  Indian,  and  Hamilton  demanded  of 
the  sd  Indian,  what  it  was  he  was  reading.  The  In- 
dian made  answer  it  was  a  speech  from  the  Gover- 
nour  of  Canada  and  the  Indian  Council  which  was 
lately  held  at  Sl  Francis,  which  speech  he  was  to  De- 
liver to  the  Mohawks,  and  that  his  order  from  the 
Governour  &  Jesuits  was  first  to  go  to  the  Mohawks 
Countrey  and  then  to  proceed  to  Albany  with  the 
said  Hamilton. 

On  the  22d  July  1723. 

We  met  on  the  Lake  two  Cannes  with  several 
Indians  on  board  having  a  great  quantity  of  Barque 
for  Canno's,  one  of  which  Indians  told  the  said  Ham- 
ilton in  English,  That  all  the  old  Indians  were  for 
Peace,  but  the  Young  Men  were  for  War,  as  also  the 
Governour  of  Canada  as  the  Depon1  understood. 

On  the  23d  we  arrived  at  the  Head  of  the  Lake 
Superiour  where  were  several  Eastern  Indians  with 
whom  we  had  a  long  Conference,  who  persuaded  our 
Indians  to  go  first  to  Albany  and  after  to  proceed  to 
the  Mohawks  assuring  them  and  the  sd  Hamilton 
That  the  Road  they  were  taking  would  be  more  Fa- 
tiguing of  the  two.  Upon  which  they  agreed  to  the 
Advice,  and  so  proceeded  to  Albany  where  we  ar- 
rived the  1 7th  O  S.  and  were  received  kindly  by 
Coll0  Schuyler,  who  Informed  Hamilton  that  several 
Commissioners  from  Boston  had  lately  been  there, 
and  that  they  had  a  promise  from  a  great  number  of 
Sachems  belonging  to  the  five  Nations  That  they 
would  meet  in  Boston  in  Sixty  days  together  with 
the  Eastern  Indians  in  Order  to  make  a  Peace.  The 
said  Hamilton  Assured  Coll.  Schuyler  That  he  was 


332  Appendix. 

Certain  none  of  the  Eastern  Indians  would  Attend 
there,  Giving  them  his  Reasons  and  Informing  him, 
That  the  Indians  speech  with  the  Governor  of  Can- 
ada to  Our  Government  was  quite  the  Reverse. 

That  by  Coll0  Schuyler  and  Mr  Jacob  Wendell  of 
Boston  Merch1  their  advice,  the  Comissioners  for 
managing  the  Eastern  affair  at  Albany  were  made 
acquainted  with  the  premises  ;  And  the  sd  Hamilton 
Informed  the  Comissioners,  That  one  of  those  In- 
dians which  Conducted  them  from  Canada  had  a 
speech  from  the  Governour  of  Canada,  Jesuits  and 
Eastern  Indians,  and  that  he  was  of  the  opinion,  if 
Care  were  not  taken,  would  oversett  what  the  Comis- 
sioners of  Boston  had  transacted  with  the  Mohawks. 
Whereupon  the  sd  Indian  was  Questioned  closely 
Concerning  the  same  ;  who  at  first  denyed  it,  but 
soon  after  Confessed  the  Fact  Upon  which  the  Com- 
missioners Resolved  to  send  an  Interpreter  with 
the  said  Indian  to  hear  the  speech  and  to  hinder  the 
Mohawks  from  breaking  their  Word  to  the  Boston 
Commissioners,  which  after  three  days  they  dispatcht 
with  the  said  Indian,  and  Hamelton  was  advised,  by 
Coll0  Schuyler  &  Mr  Wendell  to  wait  until  news 
of  the  reception  &  return  of  the  sd  Indian,  which 
they  judged  was  highly  Convenient  to  be  brought  to 
the  Governour  at  Boston,  and  accordingly  the 
sd  Hamilton  waited  Eighteen  days  for  the  answer, 
which  was  that  the  Indians  had  brought  two  peices 
of  Wampom,  which  he  presented  to  the  Mohawks, 
and  begun  a  speech  which  was  put  to  an  End  by  the 
Interpreter  of  one  Hendrick  a  Head  Sachem  of  the 
Mohawks,  who  bid  the  sd  Indian  to  return,  and  if  he 
had  any  thing  to  say  to  come  to  Boston  and  there 
they  would  hear  him,  and  upon  failure  they  would 
take  him  by  the  hair. 


Appendix.  333 

August  the  fifth. 

The  said  Hamilton  took  his  departure  from  Al- 
bany for  Boston,  attended  by  an  Indian  sent  pr  Collo 
John  Schuyler,  as  also  a  horse  as  far  as  Westfield, 
and  arrived  there,  and  applyed  himself  to  Capt  Ash- 
ley of  the  sd  place  who  procured  a  Man  &  two  horses 
to  Conduct  the  sd  Hamilton  to  Boston,  where  he  ar- 
rived the  twelfth  day  of  August,  And  the  next  morn- 
ing waited  on  his  Honour  the  Commander  in  Chief 
&  Delivered  the  Indians  speech  &  the  Governour  of 
Canadas,  &  also  Informed  the  Honourable  House  of 
Representatives  then  sitting  of  the  Conference  that 
had  been  between  the  sd  Hamilton  &  Capt  Nathaniel, 
an  Eastern  Indian  at  parting,  wch  was  on  the  i6th  of 
August  N.  S. 

Boston  Septr  1723. 

The  said  Alexander  Hamilton  likewise  Testifys 
That  Monsr  La  Longue  Informed  him  that  Mr  de 
Ramsey  told  Mr  Philip  Schuyler  at  his  Departure, 
That  had  not  Monsr  De  Vaudreuil  been  then  present 
in  Mount  Royall,  That  he  the  sd  De  Ramsey  would 
have  sent  him  to  Goal  As  also  the  sd  Le  Langue 
Attended  the  sd  Mr  Schuyler,  as  the  Depon1  Im- 
agined after  he  had  got  his  discharge  to  leave  the 
Countrey  in  the  Nature  of  a  Guard  until  he  took 
his  departure  from  Mount  Royall ;  Immediately  af- 
ter which  he  the  said  la  Longue  posted  to  the  House 
of  Monsr  De  Vaudreuil  &  Informed  his  Excellency 
that  Schuyler  was  gone. 

And  he  the  said  Alexander  Hamilton  further  De- 
clares That  the  aforegoing  is  a  true  Journal  as  far  as 
he  could  learn  and  find  out  by  Interpreters  Fellow 
Captives  &  Indians,  &  being  himself  also  an  Eye 


334  Appendix. 

witness  to  most  of  the  Transactions  &  he  has  many 
strong  Circumstances  to  Convince  him  of  the  truth 
of  what  he  has  related  of  those  things  which  he  did 
not  see. 

Alexander  Hamilton. 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
Sworn  before  the  Honblethe  Lieutenant 
Governor  &  Council  this  Seventh  day 
of  December  1723. 

Attest.     J  Willard  Secry. 
A  true  Copy 

Examd  ^> 

J.  Willard  Secry. 
Rd  in  March  1 727. 


Paper  No.  8,  entitled  "  PAPER  TAKEN  FROM  THE 
CHURCH  DOOR  AT  NORRIDGEWOCK  IN  OCTR,  1722, 
may  be  found  at  page  122. 


\Paper  <?.] 
GOVERNOR  VAUDREUIL  TO  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  BOSTON. 

Copy 

Sr. 

I  know  not  what  you  now  think  of  the  War  with 
the  Abanakeys  which  you  have  drawn  upon  your 
selves,  in  Taking  and  possessing  (against  all  right) 
their  Land ;  you  may  see  that  it  is  not  so  Easy  a 
thing  as  you  thought  at  first  to  reduce  those  Indians, 
I  can  likewise  assure  you,  That  you  will  find  more 
difficulty  in  the  pursuit  than  Ever  for  that  besides 
their  Resolution  of  Defending  their  Countrey  as 


Appendix.  335 

long  as  any  of  them  remain  and  not  to  hearken  to 
any  Accomodation  until  you  entirely  abandon  all 
their  Rivers,  and  that  things  be  set  on  the  same  foot, 
as  they  were  before  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  All  the 
Indians  of  other  Nations  to  whom  they  have  re- 
ported the  Evil  Treatment  which  they  have  received 
from  you,  have  taken  up  the  hatchet  for  their  help 
or  succour,  and  are  ready  to  strike  the  blow  on  all 
sides,  to  revenge  the,  Abanakeys  their  Countreys 
&  Friends,  and  to  Deliver  them  from  the  Yoke  and 
Oppression  which  you  would  reduce  them  unto  ; 
have  they  not  in  Effect  reason,  what  new  right  have 
you  acquired  upon  the  Abanakeys  &  their  Lands  ;  I 
know  not  of  any  ;  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  do's  Con- 
ceed  to  you  L'Accadie,  Conformable  to  it's  Ancient 
limits  ;  the  Lands  of  the  Abanakeys  are  they  Com- 
prehended ?  if  so  wherefore  do's  the  same  Treaty 
add  in  the  i5th  article  that  there  shall  be  named  on 
each  part  Commissioners  for  the  Regulation  of  the 
limits  between  the  two  Crowns,  and  to  determine  the 
Indians  that  are  subjects  or  Friends  to  either  one  or 
the  other. 

Is  it  not  Evident  that  your  pretensions  renders 
utterly  useless  this  wise  Regulation  which  must 
fall  upon  the  Abanakes  and  their  Lands,  altho  there 
has  been  no  Comissioners  named  to  decide  any 
thing  of  their  residence ;  you  have  in  Fact  put  your- 
selves in  possession  of  these  Lands  which  you  did 
me  the  honour  to  Write  that  the  Indian  Inhabitants 
were  subjects  and  Rebells,  notwithstanding  you 
ought  not  to  be  Ignorant  of  the  Strict  Allegiance 
that  has  been  at  all  times  between  us,  I  leave  it  to 
you  to  Judge,  Sir,  whether  you  or  I  do  most  Con- 
form our  selves  to  the  Rules  of  the  said  Treaty, 
which  Contains  That  the  Inhabitants  of  Canada,  or 


336  Appendix. 

other  of  His  Majesties  subjects  shall  not  Molest  the 
five  Indian  Nations  who  have  submitted  themselves 
to  Great  Britain,  nor  the  other  Nations,  Friends  to 
that  Crown,  likewise  that  the  subjects  of  Great  Brit- 
ain shall  behave  themselves  Peaceably  towards  the 
American  subjects  or  Friends  of  France.  You  can- 
not be  Ignorant  Sir,  That  in  divers  Letters  which  I 
had  the  honour  to  Write  you,  That  I  represented 
the  unhappy  Consequences  that  must  Infallibly  fol- 
low the  Evil  Treatment  you  have  used  in  Regard  to 
the  Indians  Our  Allies,  for  which  I  Esteem  you  Re- 
sponsible ;  I  assure  you  it  is  to  me  a  great  Chagrine, 
to  see  the  great  Union  that  is  between  my  King  and 
Yours,  may  be  Changed  by  the  Occasion  of  a  pre- 
tended right,  by  which  you  have  Seized  On  the  Land 
that  from  all  times  belonged  to  our  Allies;  for  in 
short  I  cannot  sooner  or  later  hinder  my  self  from 
Engaging  in  their  Quarrel ;  were  it  not  better,  Sir, 
in  the  mean  time,  until  Commissioners  be  named  for 
this  purpose,  as  is  Expressed  in  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht,  whereby  to  Regulate  all  things  Amicably, 
to  let  the  Indians  Enjoy  Peaceably  their  Land  in 
which  they  have  always  been  in  possession  and 
hereby  to  reestablish  the  Peace  of  these  Countries, 
which  we  see  with  pleasure  to  be  in  Europe. 

The   Sieurs  La  Rond  and  de  la  Geste  are  both 
Officers  of  the  King  &  Men  of  Consideration,  will 
have  the  honour  of  rendring  my  Letter  to  you,  wait- 
ing your  answer,  I  have  the  honour  of  being  perfectly 
Your  most  humble  &  most 
Obedient  Servant. 

Signed         Vaudreuil. 

Quebec  the  28th  October  1723. 

To  the  Governour  Generall  of  Boston 
Examined 

$  J  Willard  Secry. 


Appendix.  337 

\Paper  ioJ] 

GOVR    DUMMER    TO    MoNSR    DE    VAUDREUIL. 

A  Letter  to  Monsr  Vaudreuil,  Governor  of  Canada. 

Sir 

I  received  the  honour  of  your  Letter  $  Messre  Le 
Ronde  &  De  La  Chasse,  and  am  at  a  great  loss  to 
know  what  part  Monsr  Vaudreuil  would  be  under- 
stood to  take  between  us,  &  the  Indians  within  this 
Governm1.  For  such  are  the  People  with  whom  we 
are  Engaged  in  a  War.  We  have  often  Recognized 
their  Obedience  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  and 
acknowledged  His  British  Majesties  Sovereignty  over 
them,  tho  at  the  same  time  we  sufficiently  understand 
the  share  the  French  Indians  have  had  in  their  Dep- 
redations, as  well  as  the  Encouragement  and  Assist- 
ance both  have  had  from  Quebec  and  Montreal. 

At  the  same  time,  I  shall  not  have  the  least  diffi- 
culty to  make  it  Evident  that  we  have  in  no  respect 
broken  into  the  Articles  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht 
mentioned  in  your  Letter.  For  we  have  made  no 
Settlements  in  any  Controverted  Boundaries,  and  I 
must  Acquaint  you,  that  the  Indians  might  have  en- 
joyed uninterrupted  Quiet  to  this  day  had  they  not 
been  Instigated  by  Evil  Advice  from  your  self  &  the 
Priests  of  your  Government  to  act  an  Inhumane 
Barbarous  part  upon  our  Quiet  &  Ancient  Settle- 
ments. All  which  I  shall  fully  shew  forth  at  a 
proper  time :  But  that  which  most  of  all  surprizes 
me  is  to  find  Monsr  Vaudreuil  (who  speaks  so  freely 
of  the  great  Union  between  the  Crowns  of  Great 
Britain  &  France,  and  of  his  own  Exactness  in  Ob- 
serving the  Articles  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht)  say, 
that  we  shall  sooner  or  later  Engage  in  their  Quarrel ; 

43 


338  Appendix. 

which  I  can  Interpret  no  other  ways  than  that  you 
Intend  to  make  War  upon  us  in  favour  of  those  that 
are  Declared  Rebels  against  His  British  Majesty; 
Nor  can  I  Conceive  that  there  is  any  such  Power 
lodged  with  you  to  break  the  Peace  so  solemnly  and 
firmly  Established  between  the  two  Crowns  by  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht. 

Upon  the  whole  Sr  I  assure  myself  that  on  due 
Consideration  of  this  affair  you  will  see  Cause  to 
alter  your  Measures  and  Instead  of  Exciting  the  In- 
dians against  us,  Advise  them  to  make  their  Sub- 
mission to  their  Rightful  Sovereign  King  George, 
and  thereby  Convince  me  of  your  sincerity  to  Culti- 
vate the  same  good  Amity  between  these  Govern- 
ments that  is  Established  between  the  English  and 
French  Crowns  at  home,  which  will  be  very  accept- 
able to  him  who  is  with  much  respect 

Sir 
Your  humble  Servant 

Wm  Dummer. 
December  2oth  1723 
Examined 

$     J  Willard  Secry. 


\Paper  //.] 
LANNERJAT'S  LETTER  TO  FATHER  RALLE". 

Nusalkchunangan 

July  1724. 
My  Reverend  ffather 

P.  C.  Sixteen  Englishmen  were  killed 

whilst  Joseph  was  gon  to  you  Two  boats  were  burnt 


Appendix.  339 

and  forty  Seven  in  all  were  killed  and  taken  prison- 
ers with  Eleven  Sloops  as  we  Commonly  say  Sword 
in  hand  and  that  after  an  obstinate  fight  on  Each 
side  all  which  will  contribute  to  our  gallantry  and 
will  increase  our  Village  if  it  be  well  preserved. 

In  spite  of  all  the  Indians  can  say  all  the  Glory  is 
owing  to  Sagsarrab. 
Examined 

$     J  Wijlard  Secry. 


Paper  No.  12,  entitled  "  A  COPY  OF  A  LETTER  FROM 
SEE:  RALLE,  A  FRENCH  JESUIT,  TO  ANOTHER  PRIEST, 
GIVING  A  DETAIL  OF  THE  DEPREDATIONS  COMMIT- 
TED BY  THE  INDIANS  ON  THE  ENGLISH  IN  NORTH 
AMERICA,  AUG:  1724,  may  be  found  at  page  251. 


[Paper  /J.] 

THE  LT  GOVERNOUR  OF  MASSACHUSETS  BAY  TO  THE 
HONBLE  SAML  CRANSTON  ESQRE. 

Letter  from  the  Lieu1  Governour 
and  Council  to  the  Honble  Samuel 
Cranston  Esqr  Governour  of  the 
Colony  of  Rhode  Island  (or  in  his 
absence  to  the  Deputy  Governour) 
and  to  the  General  Assembly  of 
said  Colony. 
Gent" 

The  burthen  of  the  Warr  growing  more  Grievous 
to  this  Province  both  on  Account  of  the  prodigious 
Expence  in  maintaining  it,  and  the  many  Persons 
that  have  been  Slain  and  Captivated  by  this  barbar- 
ous Enemy,  as  well  as  the  lessening  of  the  produce 


34-Q  Appendix. 

of  the  Countrey  and  raising  the  prices  of  all  neces- 
sarys  of  life ;  We  think  it  highly  reasonable  that 
Our  Neighbours  the  subjects  of  the  same  Crown 
(who  feel  none  of  the  Calamitys  of  Warr  themselves, 
but  are  rather  benefited  by  our  Misfortunes  in  the 
Great  demand  &  Consumption  among  us  of  the  Ef- 
fects of  their  labour  and  Traffick)  should  bear  their 
part  of  the  Expence  of  this  Warr,  by  furnishing  and 
supporting  a  proportionable  fforce  for  Our  assistance, 
and  therefore  we  think  it  proper  to  make  this  further 
application  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Rhode  Island, 
and  pray  you  to  lay  before  them  our  desires,  That 
they  would  fully  Consider  the  State  of  Our  Province 
with  respect  to  this  Grievous  and  Expensive  Warr, 
And  Order  a  number  of  men  to  be  raised  and  Joyned 
with  Ours  That  by  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  said 
Warr,  We  may  by  the  Blessing  of  God  bring  it  to  a 
Speedy  and  happy  Conclusion.  And  We  can  with  the 
Greater  Earnestness  press  this  matter,  because  We 
are  Conscious  of  the  readiness  of  this  Governm1  (ex- 
pressed in  many  Instances)  to  Assist  their  Neigh- 
bours in  Distress  ;  Besides  the  Governours  or  Com- 
anders  in  Chief  of  this  Province  are  Instructed  by 
His  Majesty  in  case  of  a  Warr  to  require  a  Quota 
of  men  of  the  Neighbouring  Governours,  and  like- 
wise to  Assist  them  in  the  Same  manner  when  their 
circumstances  demand  it,  We  would  Further  Inform 
you  That  the  Government  of  Connecticut  have  very 
cheerfully  Supplyed  a  considerable  number  of  Sol- 
diers for  the  Security  of  our  Western  Frontiers  ;  We 
doubt  not  but  you  will  Effectually  Consider  what  is 
proper  to  be  done  by  you  for  His  Majestys  Service 
in  this  Affair,  and  for  the  Advantage  of  these  Prov- 
inces and  Colonys,  which  being  united  in  Interest 
ought  to  be  so  in  mutual  Affection  and  kindness  as- 


Appendix.  341 

suring  you  that  nothing  shall  be  wanting  on  Our 
part  that  becomes  a  good  Neighbour  of  your  Gov- 
ernment, and  that  may  tend  to  promote  a  good  un- 
derstanding with  you  at  all  times,  Upon  which  the 
prosperity  of  both  Governments  do's  so  much  de- 
pend. What  Assistance  you  shall  order,  We  shall 
humbly  Represent  to  His  Majesty,  to  whom  we  doubt 
not  it  will  be  Acceptable. 

We  have  thought  fit  to  Impower  Nathaniel  By- 
field  Esqr  (One  of  His  Majtys  Council  for  this  Prov- 
ince and  a  Gentleman  of  Great  Knowledge  &  long 
Experience  in  our  Publick  affairs)  to  Appear  for  Us 
and  to  Treat  and  Conferr  with  you  upon  the  matters 
herein  Represented,  And  we  desire  that  you  would 
give  him  Credence  accordingly,  and  to  receive  him 
to  such  Conferences  with  you  as  may  be  necessary 
for  that  End.  Thus  wishing  you  the  Conduct  of 
Heaven  in  all  your  Publick  Affairs,  We  Remain 
Gentn 

Your  Affectionate  Friends 

and  humble  Servants. 
In  the  Name  &  by  Order  of  the 
Ll  Govern1"  and  Council 

J.  Willard  Secry. 
Boston  October  28th  1724. 
Copy     Examined  $  J.  Willard,  Secry. 


\JPaper  15.     No.  14  is  a  duplicate^ 
GovR  VAUDREUIL  TO  LT  GovR  DUMMER. 

I  am  Surprized  that  you  have  not  Seen  the  Safe 
Guard  &  the  Commission  I  had  given  to  Father 
Ralle  Sooner.  The  Abanakis  Indians  your  Neigh- 


342  Appendix. 

hours  with  whom  you  have  always  been  in  War  hav- 
ing Submitted  themselves  to  France  Embrace  the 
Catholick  Religion,  and  Declare  War  to  you  every 
time  ffrance  and  England  have  had  any  quarrell  to- 
gether I  say  all  this  ought  or  should  have  put  you  in 
Mind  or  Convince  you  it  was  not  without  Orders  of 
the  Most  Christian  King  that  the  Jesuits  were  among 
the  Indians  and  preach  the  Gospel  to  'em.  If  you 
had  forgot  it  the  many  Letters  I  had  written  to  your 
Governour  about  it  Since  the  last  War  between  you 
and  the  Abanakis  Indians  ought  to  have  put  you  in 
mind  of  it.  No  Doubt  but  you  are  to  Answer  to 
the  King  your  Master  for  the  late  Murther  Commit- 
ted by  your  order  on  the  person  of  that  ffrench  Mis- 
sionary whose  head  I  know  you  set  a  price  on  &  had 
no  other  reason  to  be  so  animated  against  him  only 
because  he  had  done  his  duty  and  has  been  faithfull 
to  his  Prince  in  Teaching  those  Indians  to  whom  the 
King  of  ffrance  could  not  refuse  Missionaries  and 
help  'em  in  all  he  could,  because  they  have  always 
been  true  to  him  and  Served  him  upon  every  Occa- 
sion or  Opportunity  that  hath  been  made  known  to 
you. 

You  tell  me  that  you  took  the  Opportunity  of  the 
Safeguard  I  had  given  to  ffather  Ralle  to  let  me 
know  for  the  Second  time  that  the  Narantsouac  & 
Panouamsque  Indians  were  without  Contradiction 
Subjects  to  Great  Britain  &  on  their  Lands  ;  Give 
me  leave  to  tell  you  Sr  that  what  you  say  is  not  main- 
tainable. 

Dont  you  know  that  S*  Georges  River  was  in  1 700 
by  Order  of  the  two  Crowns  markt  as  the  bounds  of 
the  English  &  ffrench  Lands  by  which  bounds  it  is 
plainly  seen  that  all  the  District  of  Panouamsque 
was  given  to  us,  and  Shews  the  Injustice  you  have 


Appendix.  343 

Committed  against  the  ffrench  to  Build  as  you  have 
done  &  without  Leave  a  ffort  on  the  Land  of  one 
Lefevre  of  which  Enterprize  if  you  dont  desist  you 
will  Infallibly  repent  Dont  you  know  now  that  Sd  Le- 
fevre had  an  habitation  at  Hosanoueskact,  that  your 
Sloops  and  ours  did  pay  a  Duty  to  him  as  to  the 
proprietor  of  that  Land  every  time  they  came  to 
Anchor  there.  I  believe  that  Mr  Capon  (Envoy  of 
England  when  King  George  came  upon  the  Throne 
who  came  here  to  aske  the  Panouamsque  Indians  to 
Submit  themselves  to  England)  has  not  Imparted  to 
you  the  Answer  those  Indians  made  to  him  tho  they 
did  give  him  two  Copies  of  it  in  writing.  Their 
Answer  was  that  they  were  French  from  the  begin- 
ning and  in  the  Interest  of  France,  that  they  were 
Surprized  they  made  Such  propositions  to  'em  That 
they  never  would  Change  their  Religion,  King  nor 
Interest  and  were  offended  they  would  keep  such  a 
discourse  to  'em  when  they  knew  very  well  their 
Union  with  France  of  which  they  look  upon  them- 
selves as  Children  and  Subjects,  that  Answer  (if 
Said  Capon  dont  lye  that  was  to  be  sent  to  the  King 
and  Parliament  of  England)  will  show  plainly  Sir 
the  unreasonableness  of  your  Pretension  to  those 
Indians.  As  to  those  of  Narantsouac  you  fflatter 
your  Selves  of  Certain  particular  Deeds  by  Vertue 
of  which  you  pretend  they  made  over  their  Lands  to 
you.  But  how  can  we  believe  you  Since  the  whole 
Nation  Exclaim  against  those  particular  Indians 
(whom  they  pretend  you  have  Suborned)  that  had 
no  Authority  to  give  that  Deed  ;  For  the  first  Fort 
built  by  your  Order  upon  Narantsouac  Land,  you  Said 
to  the  Indians  that  were  against  it  or  Opposed  to  it 
that  you  did  not  pretend  to  be  Masters  of  said  fforts 
that  they  were  built  only  against  Pirates  that  might 


344  Appendix. 

otherwise  take  away  the  goods  you  had  a  mind  to 
send  that  way  to  trade  with  'em.  After  you  had  by 
unlawfull  means  built  those  fforts  you  Spake  very 
Imperiously  and  thought  your  Selves  able  to  Subdue 
the  said  Indians  :  But  it  is  that  it  Self  that  has 
brought  you  to  the  Confusion  and  trouble  you  lye 
under  of  which  you  will  have  much  ado  to  come  off. 
You  have  in  so  doing  provoked  the  Narantsouac  In- 
dians against  you  to  See  you  had  a  mind  to  use  'em 
as  your  Subjects  and  even  as  Slaves,  whilst  they 
would  have  no  other  relation  with  you  but  what  fol- 
lows from  Trade  among  nations.  You  may  Judge 
of  the  Truth  of  what  I  Say  by  the  Letter  you  took 
about  three  years  agoe  at  ffather  Ralle's  house  when 
you  plundered  it  against  the  Laws  of  men.  Youl  See 
in  that  Letter  that  the  Narantsouac  Indians  used  to 
come  every  year  to  me  to  Complain  of  your  New 
Attempts :  And  that  you  had  a  mind  to  make  them 
Turn  of  your  Side  whether  they  would  or  no  which 
they  were  Resolved  not  to  Suffer.  You  had  more 
need  to  ask  my  Advice  before  you  Invade  their  Land 
(which  I  shall  never  advise  to)  then  I  to  aske  your 
Leave  to  Answer  the  first  Complaints  of  the  said  In- 
dians, That  Since  they  would  not  Turn  of  your  Side 
it  was  their  Interest  to  defend  their  Land  and  drive 
out  those  that  would  Invade  it. 

It  would  have  lookt  very  unseemly  for  me,  if  for 
to  please  you  I  had  Occasioned  the  Said  Indians  to 
turn  from  the  ffrench  with  whom  they  have  and  will 
live  lovingly  together  &  Sacrafice  to  you  If  I  had  I 
should  have  made  a  Breach  to  the  last  Treaty  of 
peace  who  Orders  us  to  have  a  regard  for  the  Soldiers 
either  Friends  or  Alleys  to  ffrance  &  do  nothing  to 
molest  'em  KNOW  THEREFORE  Sir  that  if  I  did  Order 
ffather  Ralle  to  tarry  among  them  it  was  to  Conform 


Appendix.  345 

myself  to  the  Said  Treaty.  Nothing  could  Afflict 
the  Said  Indians  more  than  to  See  their  ffather  or 
Priest  taken  away  from  'em,  whilst  of  another  Side 
you  did  Endeavour  to  take  their  Lands. 

You  must  blame  no  Body  but  your  selves  for  all 
the  Violence  and  Hostilities  those  Indians  have  Com- 
mitted against  your  Nation  Since  you  are  the  Cause 
of  it  in  Invading  their  Lands  and  presume  to  make 
your  Subjects  those  People  that  never  would  Consent 
to  be  your  Allies  who  being  united  to  France  have 
declared  themselves  against  your  Nation.  I  Can't 
help  taking  their  parts  in  this,  to  let  you  know  you 
are  in  the  wrong  to  fall  out  with  'em  as  you  have. 
You  have  by  that  means  drawn  upon  your  Selves  a 
great  Number  of  Indians  from  Every  Side  whom  to 
Revenge  the  Injustice  done  to  those  do  fall  and  will 
fall  upon  you  hereafter.  If  you  had  Imitated  the 
Governours  of  Boston  your  predecessors,  Contented 
your  Selves  to  Trade  with  the  Abenakes  Indians 
and  had  built  no  fforts  on  their  Lands  all  this  Con- 
tinent would  have  been  in  peace.  Wherefore  I  think 
my  Self  Obliged  to  represent  to  you  again,  that  to 
procure  peace  among  your  Selves,  and  the  People 
you  have  justly  provoked  by  your  unjust  Attempts 
to  pull  down  all  the  fforts  you  have  Built  upon  their 
Lands  since  the  Peace  of  Utrecht.  If  So  I  promise 
you  afterwards  to  be  your  Mediator  to  the  Abenakis 
Indians  and  those  that  help  them,  and  Oblige  them 
to  lay  down  the  Hatchet,  if  can  be  possible  to  Ap- 
pease 'em  Since  the  last  Cruelty  and  unjust  At- 
tempts Committed  of  late  against  them  and  their 
Missionary  I  am  not  so  Scared  of  your  threatenings 
to  See  Nations,  that  are  as  you  said  ready  to  fall 
upon  us  to  Revenge  your  Cause  than  you  ought  to 
be  your  Selves  for  the  fault  you  have  Committed 

44 


346  Appendix. 

against  France  in  Endeavouring  to  take  their  Alleys 
from  'em. 

I  will  not  however  refuse  my  Mediation  to  you  to 
bring  the  Abenakis  Indians  &  their  Allies  to  Peace 
on  Condition  Exprest  in  this  Letter  which  are  Con- 
formable to  the  Mind  of  those  Indians  whom  (be- 
tween us)  have  given  you  no  just  Cause  to  Declare 
war  to  'em.  As  to  the  Cruelty  Committed  by  your 
Order  on  the  Person  of  ffather  Ralle  I  leave  to  the 
two  Crowns  to  Decide  of  the  Justice  or  punishment 
that  is  to  be  made ;  having  been  Obliged  to  give  an 
Accompt  of  it  to  the  King  my  Master. 
I  am  Sir 

Your  most  humble  & 

Quebec  8ber  ye  29  Most  Obd1  Servant 

1724       9ber  ye  10  VAUDREUIL. 

Directed  to  the  Governour  of  BOSTON. 
Copy         Examined  ^  J.  Willard  Secry. 


[Paper  /£>.] 

INSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  COMMISSIONERS  FOR  CANADA. 

AT  a  Great  and  General  Court 
or  Assembly  for  his  Majestys  province 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  Eng- 
land—  held  at  Boston  upon  Wednes- 
day the  Eleventh  of  November  1724. 
Novbr  25th  1725. 

The  following  Vote  pass'd  both  Houses  respect- 
ing a  Message  to  be  sent  to  Monsieur  Vaudreuil 
Govr  of  Canada  —  Viz. 

RESOLVED  that  his  Honr  the  Ll  Governour 
be  desired  in  the  name  of  this  General  Court  by  an 


Appendix.  347 

express  earnestly  to  move  his  Excellency  Govr  Bur- 
net  to  appoint  and  order  a  Suitable  Person  of  his 
Government  to  Joyn  with  any  person  or  persons 
that  may  be  Appointed  here  to  repair  to  Monsr  Vau- 
dreuil  Govr  of  Canada,  and  there  demand  all  and 
every  of  his  Majestys  Subjects  that  have  been  Cap- 
tivated by  the  Indian  Enemy  &  carried  into  &  De- 
tained in  any  part  of  his  Government  and  likewise 
demand  that  the  said.Governour  Vaudreuil  withdraw 
the  Countenance  &  Assistance  which  in  Violation  of 
the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  &  contrary  to  the  friendship 
and  Alliance  between  the  Two  Crowns  he  has  given 
to  the  said  Indians  in  the  prosecution  of  their  Un- 
just War  against  his  Majestys  Subjects  of  these 
Colonys,  Otherwise  of  our  Friend  Indians  who  have 
with  difficulty  been  restrained,  should  in  pursuit  of 
the  Enemy  Indians  Commit  like  Hostilitys  upon  the 
French  Familys  who  dwell  promiscuously  with  them 
as  have  been  by  the  French  Indians  Committed 
upon  the  Inhabitants  of  this  province,  The  Blame 
will  be  entirely  owing  to  his  own  Conduct,  and  like- 
wise inform  him  that  if  the  Indians  shall  still  persist 
in  the  war  against  us  the  several  English  Govern- 
ments will  find  themselves  Obliged  with  their  United 
Forces  by  the  help  of  God  to  prosecute  and  pursue 
them  to  the  Uttermost  And  that  his  Honr  the  Ll 
Govern1"  be  also  desired  in  the  Name  of  this  Court 
by  the  Same  Express  to  move  the  Honble  Governour 
Talcot  &  the  Government  of  Connecticut,  that  they 
would  Joyn  a  Commissioner  in  the  Affair  above  as 
also  the  Governments  of  Rhoad  Island  &  New  Hamp- 
shire to  Joyn  a  Commissioner  from  each  Govern- 
ment in  the  Same  Affair 
Copy 

Examined  $  J  Willard  Secry. 


348  Appendix. 

Decbr  25th 
1724. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Voted  that  his  Honr  the  Lieuten1  Governour  be 
desired  to  send  Commissioners  on  the  Message  to 
Canada  already  agreed  on  although  the  Neighbour- 
ing Governments  do  not  Joyn  them.  And  that  some 
Suitable  person  or  persons  be  accordingly  Chosen 
by  the  Court  before  they  rise,  And  that  Mr  Speaker 
Mr  Wainwright  &  Col°  Chandler  &  Mr  Cushing  with 
such  as  the  Honble  Board  shall  Joyn  be  a  Committee 
to  draw  some  proper  heads  or  Articles  of  Instruc- 
tions for  the  said  Commissioners,  And  to  sit  forth- 
with and  make  report  of  their  Doings. 

In  Council  Read  and  Concur'd,  And  that  Col° 
Fitch  &  Col°  Tailer  &  Col°  Thaxter  be  Joined  in 
the  Affair  above. 

Copy         Examined  ^  J  Willard  Secry. 

Decbr  23d  1724.  Voted  in  both  Houses  that  his 

Honr  the  Lieutenant  Govern1"  be  Desired  to  give  the 
following  Instructions  to  the  Commissioners  to  be 
Chosen  and  sent  to  Canada  Viz. 

That  the  said  Commissioners  proceed  with  all 
Convenient  Dispatch  to  Albany  &  from  thence  to 
Monsr  Vaudreuil  Governour  of  Canada  or  the  Gov- 
ernour for  the  time  being  of  that  Country  &  deliver 
to  him  the  several  Letters  to  him  Directed. 

That  they  demand  all  and  every  of  his  Majestys 
Subjects  that  have  been  Captivated  by  the  Indian 
Enemy  and  Carried  into  &  detained  in  any  part  of 
his  Government. 

That  they  Remonstrate  to  the  said  French  Gov- 
ernour his  unjust  Treatment  of  this  Government 
in  the  Countenance  and  Assistance  which  in  Viola- 


Appendix.  349 

tion  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  &  contrary  to  the 
Friendship  and  Alliance  between  the  Two  Crowns 
he  has  given  to  the  said  Indians  in  the  prosecution 
of  this  present  War,  And  that  they  peremptorily  in- 
sist on  his  withdrawing  his  Countenance  and  assist- 
ance from  the  said  Indians  for  the  future.  Other- 
wise to  observe  to  him,  That  if  our  friend  Indians 
should  in  pursuit  of  the  Enemy  Commit  like  Hos- 
tilities upon  the  French  Families  who  dwell  pro- 
miscuously with  them,  as  have  been  by  some  of  the 
French  Indians  Committed  upon  the  Inhabitants  of 
this  province  the  Blame  will  be  entirely  owing  to  his 
own  Conduct. 

And  if  hereupon  the  French  Governour  in  behalf 
of  the  Indians  or  the  said  Indians  for  themselves 
should  make  any  Overtures  for  putting  an  end  to  the 
War,  the  Commissioners  give  for  answer,  that  al- 
though they  have  neither  powers  nor  Instructions  to 
conclude  or  enter  into  any  Treaty,  Yet  if  the  Indians 
or  a  number  of  their  Chiefs  full  Authorized  are  de- 
sirous to  Treat  with  this  Government  in  order  to 
make  an  Exchange  of  all  prisoners  and  Captives  on 
both  sides,  and  a  Just,  Safe  and  lasting  peace  And 
for  this  End  will  repair  to  Boston  or  Portsmouth  in 
the  province  of  New  Hampshire  They  shall  have 
safe  Conduct  thither  and  back  again  and  the  Com- 
missioners shall  give  passports  accordingly. 
Examined  ^  J  Willard  Secry. 


35O  Appendix. 

[Paper  77.] 
JOURNAL  OF  THE  COMMISSIONERS  TO  CANADA. 

Conformable  to  our  Commission  and  Instructions 
from  the  Honorable  WILLIAM  DUMMER  Esqr  Lieu- 
tenant Governour  and  Commander  in  Chief  of  His 
Majestys  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  We 
departed  the  Twentieth  day  of  January  1724  and  Ar- 
rived at  Albany  on  the  Twentieighth  day  of  the  Said 
Month  And  after  having  Agreed  with  five  Macuas, 
and  five  Scatacook  Indians,  to  go  with  and  Assist 
us  on  our  Journey  to  Mont  Real,  and  provided  all 
things  necessary,  We  Set  out  from  Saratoga  40 
miles  above  Albany,  the  Eighth  day  of  February 
finding  Ice  in  the  River,  and  on  Wood  Creek  so 
called  until  we  came  near  the  little  falls,  where  that 
Creek  Empties  it  Self  into  the  drowned  Lands ;  and 
Concluding  the  Lake  to  be  open,  we  lay  Still  four 
days,  and  made  three  Cano's,  and  on  the  Sixteenth 
day  of  February  we  Set  out  drawing  all  our  Provis- 
ions and  other  things  on  Sleds  on  the  drowned  Lands 
until  we  came  to  the  Crown  Point  which  was  on  the 
Eighteenth  day  of  Sd  month,  And  we  went  one  small 
days  Travel  further  and  then  made  a  wooden  Can- 
nou  Still  Concluding  the  Lake  was  open  but  Ex- 
tream  Cold  weather  coming  on,  and  our  provisions 
being  almost  Spent  by  the  Indians  we  dismis'd  them 
all  but  two  and  left  our  Cannous  behind,  and  set  out 
by  Land  on  the  22d  of  February  and  after  many  diffi- 
culties and  hardships  We  arrived  at  Chambly  on  the 
28th  day  of  the  said  month  where  having  first  ob- 
tained permission  to  go  to  Mont  Real  We  Arrived 
there  the  Second  day  of  March,  and  waited  on  the 
Governour  General  Monsr  Vaudreuil  (who  happened 
to  get  there  the  day  before  us)  and  Delivered  him 


Appendix.  351 

our  passports  and  other  Letters  to  him  directed,  and 
after  they  were  translated  a  time  being  appointed 
We  gave  our  demands  to  the  Governour  in  writing 
(which  are  herewith  Exhibited)  And  desired  an 
Answer  in  writing  which  he  utterly  refused ;  we 
Convinced  him  as  we  apprehended  of  his  being  the 
Cause  of  the  War  as  well  by  his  own  as  other  French 
Letters  ;  and  all  he  had  to  object  was  That  the  Let- 
ters we  produced  to  him, were  not  Originals.  We  then 
Appealed  to  the  Copys  he  kept,  but  he  would  not 
Suffer  them  to  be  Read.  He  often  talked  to  us  of 
the  pretended  Grievances  of  the  Indians  Concerning 
Land  ;  we  convinced  him  and  his  Jesuit  La  Chase  of 
a  Gross  mistake  they  had  Laboured  under  of  the 
Distance  between  Sl  Georges  and  Saco  River,  the 
Land  they  laid  Claim  to  and  they  had  no  other 
refuge  to  fly  to,  but  that  the  Indians  had  wrongfully 
Informed  them.  The  Governour  as  well  as  the  In- 
dians seemed  desirous  of  Peace  by  sundry  expres- 
sions in  their  Discourse  at  severall  times  with  us 
but  Insisted  upon  it  That  the  peace  must  be  made 
or  agreed  upon  in  presence  of  the  Governour  at 
Mont  Real,  to  which  we  made  Answer,  that  we  had 
no  power  to  treat  of  peace  there,  but  that  if  they  de- 
sired Peace,  and  would  go  either  to  Boston  or  Pis- 
cataqua  they  should  be  in  safety  both  in  going  there 
and  returning  home  ;  And  the  Governments  there 
would  we  doubted  not,  be  willing  to  make  a  just  and 
lasting  Peace  with  them  ;  to  which  they  replyed 
(being  first  directed  what  to  say  by  the  Jesuit  La 
Chase  as  we  Imagine)  That  what  was  done  must  be 
in  the  presence  of  the  Governour  and  at  Canada, 
We  then  told  them  that  if  they  had  nothing  more  to 
say  to  us  we  had  nothing  further  to  say  to  them ; 
And  so  our  discourse  broke  off  with  the  Indians. 


352  Appendix. 

By  all  the  Interviews  and  Information  we  had,  the 
Indians  are  Inclinable  to  Peace,  and  the  Western  In- 
dians as  Cagnawaga,  Schoandic,  Nipesangs  &c.  are 
all  against  the  War,  and  altho'  they  have  been  again 
and  again  moved  by  their  Jesuits,  by  Order  from  the 
Government  to  renew  their  Hostilities,  which  some 
of  them  did  the  last  year  and  before  Commit  Yet 
they  could  not  be  prevailed  with  So  to  do  And  when 
we  Expostulated  with  the  Governour  on  this  Head, 
and  offered  to  bring  some  of  those  Indians  before 
his  face  to  prove  this  Vile  and  Wicked  practice,  all 
he  could  Say,  and  that  in  some  wrath  was,  that  the 
Indians  were  Lyars,  and  he  would. not  then  see  them 
least  (as  we  apprehend)  he  should  have  been  Con- 
victed by  them  And  we  must  needs  say,  that  such 
Trifling  and  tricking  as  we  observed  and  met  with, 
could  hardly  be  Expected  from  the  very  worst  of 
mankind,  Tho'  at  the  same  time  we  would  do  Monsr 
Vaudreuil  that  Justice  as  to  Say  Seperate  him  from 
the  Jesuit,  he  is  of  honour,  good  Nature  and  Easey 
Disposition. 

On  our  demanding  the  British  Subjects  that  were 
Captives  in  the  hands  of  the  French,  the  Governours 
Answer  was  That  he  had  no  Captives,  there  being 
no  War  between  the  English  &  French  Nations,  but 
that  the  French  out  of  Chanty  and  Compassion,  had 
bought  some  Poor  English  People,  and  that  they 
should  be  returned  if  the  Sums  of  money  they  Cost 
were  repaid.  This  Buying  and  Selling  our  people, 
Seems  to  us,  to  be  one  great  Reason  or  Cause  of 
the  Continuance  of  the  War  the  Indians  being  In- 
debted to  the  ffrench,  they  fit  them  out  to  get  Slaves, 
for  so  his  Majestys  good  Subjects  are  made  at  Can- 
ada, and  thereby  the  Indians  pay  their  ffrench  Credi- 
tors who  make  a  great  Advantage  to  them  selves 


Appendix.  353 

over  and  above  their  debts  thus  paid  them,  by  Selling 
the  poor  Captives  Dearer  than  Negro's  may  be  pur- 
chased. On  this  head  we  were  Sufficiently  Moved 
to  Say  a  great  deal  to  the  Governour  and  his  Priest 
for  we  could  Seldom  See  the  one  without  the  other 
And  all  the  Answer  was  Charity  and  least  the  Sal- 
vages should  kill  them. 

We  herewith  present  to  your  Honours  Certificates 
Signed  by  the  Secretary  &  others  for  money  received 
for  some  of  our  prisoners,  notwithstanding  they  pre- 
tend to  hold  or  have  none. 

The  ffrench  Governour  Several  times  got  angry 
Concerning  what;  the  Governour  of  New  York  had 
Said  to  Our  Five  nations  of  Building  a  House  on  or 
near  Onondaga  River.  Our  Observations  herein 
we  reduced  to  writing  and  Delivered  to  the  Com- 
missioners at  Albany  a  Copy  whereof  N°  A  we 
humbly  refer  to. 

And  we  Observing  the  kind  &  good  Disposition 
in  the  French  Maquas  at  Mont  Real  and  their 
Sachems  who  came  with  us,  we  had  a  Treaty  with 
them  at  Albany  as  ^  N°  B  which  we  also  communi- 
cated to  the  said  Commissioners. 

All  which  is  Humbly  Represented  by 
Your  Honours  Obedient  Servants 

Sam1  Thaxter  )  n          .    . 

\\Tm  r\   ji          r  Commissioners. 

Wm  Dudley     j 

Boston  May  26th.  1 725 
In  Council  May  28. 
1725     Read. 

Examined  ^  J  Willard  Secry. 
45 


354  Appendix. 

[Paper  /&] 
LT  GovR  DUMMER  TO  LT  GovR  WENTWORTH. 

LETTER  from  His  Honour  the  Lieu1 
Governour  to  the  Honble  John   Went- 
worth    Esqr    Lieu1    Governour   of   the 
,-•  Province  of  New  Hampshire. 

You  have  here  Inclosed  a  Vote  of  the  General 
Assembly  of  this  Province  Expressing  their  desire 
that  a  suitable  person  from  this  Government,  and  one 
from  Each  of  the  Neighbouring  Governm13,  should  be 
sent  on  a  message  to  Govern1"  Vaudreuil  of  Canada, 
for  the  Reasons  therein  Expressed. 

And  there  is  Great  grounds  to  hope  if  he  were 
made  sensible  That  in  case  he  continues  to  Abett  & 
Instigate  our  Enemys  against  us,  The  several  Eng- 
lish Governments  would  with  their  united  Force  pur- 
sue those  Indians,  And  in  their  pursuits,  the  Warr 
should  be  brought  home  to  his  own  Doors,  he  would 
soon  use  means  to  bring  them  to  proper  Terms  of 
Peace  and  Submission. 

I  have  written  to  the  Governours  of  New  York, 
Connecticutt  and  Rhode  Island,  &  Expect  in  a  short 
time  to  hear  from  them,  and  assure  myself  That  you 
will  not  be  backward  to  Joyn  with  us  herein  as  is  de- 
sired, Inasmuch  as  none  will  be  likely  to  reap  Greater 
Advantage  than  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire  in 
case  the  proposed  End  be  attained. 

I  request  you  will  send  me  your  Answer  as  soon 
as  may  be  with  Convenience. 
I  am 
Sir 

Yr  very  humble  Serv1 

Boston  December  i«  1724.        W"  DuMMER- 
Examined  f>  J  Willard  Secry. 


Appendix.  355 

Paper  No.  19.  "  LT.  GovR  DUMMER  TO  GovR  CRANS- 
TON OF  RHODE  ISLAND  AND  TO  GovR  TALCOT  OF 
CONNECTICUT,"  are  of  similar  tenor. 


[Paper  2oJ] 
LT  GovR  DUMMER  TO  GovR  BURNETT. 

LETTER  from  His  Honour  the  Lieu1 
Governour  to  His  Excellency  Wil- 
liam Burnett  Esqr  Govern1"  of  New 
York. 
Sir 

The  Remarkable  Evidences  of  your  Friendship  to 
this  Province  at  the  late  Treaty  with  the  Maquas  at 
Albany  have  been  by  our  Agents  there  fully  Repre- 
sented both  to  me  and  the  General  Assembly  here, 
The  Remembrance  whereof  as  it  Impresses  suitable 
sentiments  of  Gratitude  on  our  minds,  so  it  Raises 
not  only  our  hope  but  Expectation  That  your  fur- 
ther Assistances  will  not  be  wanting  as  Occasion 
may  require. 

This  Government  after  having  Exercised  long  Pa- 
tience towards  the  Eastern  Indians  notwithstand*  the 
many  and  Great  Outrages  &c.  &c.  &c.* 
#         *         #          #          *        # 

Your  Most  Obedient 
Humble  Serv1 

WILLIAM  DUMMER 
Boston 

December  Ist  1724 
Copy         Examined 

3P  J  Willard  Secry. 

*  The  remainder  of  this  letter  is  a  duplicate  of  a  portion  of  No.  22,  which 
see. 


356  Appendix. 

\Paper  2i.~\ 
VOTE  OF  THE  GOVERNOUR  AND  COUNCIL  OF  NEW  YORK. 

AT  A  COUNCIL 
HELD  AT  FORT  GEORGE 
IN  NEW  YORK  DECEMB*  16™  1724. 

PRESENT 

His  Excellency  William  Burnet  Esqr 

Cap1  Waller    )  Ayrr  A1          j      A 

A/r/Yr     •  Mr  Alexander  ) 

Mr  Hanson     >  A,r  w     , 

r\     4-r  r-  u       I  Mr  Vanhorn 
Doctr  Colden  j 

His  Excellency  laid  before  the  Board  Some  papers 
he  had  received  from  the  Honourable  William  Dum- 
mer  Esqr  Lieut.  Govr  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
(Viz1)  the  Copy  of  the  Declaration  of  War  against 
the  Eastern  Indians,  the  Copy  of  an  Address  of  that 
Government  to  His  Majesty  concerning  that  War 
with  a  Letter  from  the  said  Governour  to  his  Excel- 
lency. 

ORDERED,  That  the  said  Letter  with  the  other 
papers  be  referred  to  the  Consideration  of  the  Gen- 
tlemen of  this  Board  or  any  five  of  them  And  that 
they  make  Report  thereunto  to  this  Board. 

POST  MERIDIEM 
Present  as  before 

The  Report  of  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee 
to  whose  Consideration  the  papers  relating  to  New 
England  were  referred  was  Read  and  is  as  follows 


Appendix.  357 

AT  a  Committee  of  the  Coun- 
cil held  at  the  Council  Chamber 
in  New  York  Decembr  16th  1724. 

PRESENT 

Cap1  Walter 
Mr  Harrison 
Doctr  Colden 
Mr ,  Alexander 
Mr  Abrah  Vanhorn 

May  it  please  your  Excellency 

IN  OBEDIENCE  to  your  Excellency's  Order  in  Coun- 
cil of  this  day  referring  to  us  the  Consideration  of 
Some  papers  sent  by  the  Lieutenant  Governour  of 
Massachusetts  Bay  to  wit  a  Copy  of  the  Declaration 
of  War  against  the  Eastern  Indians  a  Copy  of  an 
Address  to  his  Majesty  concerning  that  War  to 
gether  with  a  Letter  from  the  Honourable  William 
Dummer  Esqr  Lieut.  Governour  of  that  Province. 

We  have  considered  of  the  Same,  and  altho'  it 
be  our  sentiments  that  all  the  Assistance  in  the 
power  of  this  province  to  give  to  that  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  for  putting  a  hapy  End  to  the  War 
with  the  Indians  ought  to  be  given  and  were  it  in 
your  Excellency's  power,  with  the  help  of  the  Coun- 
cil to  make  good  what  is  desired  by  the  said  Letter 
to  be  told  Monsr  Vaudreuil  we  should  heartily  advize 
it  so  far  as  your  Excellency  may  think  it  Consistent 
with  your  Instructions  from  his  Majesty. 

But  we  do  humbly  Conceive  that  the  Committing 
of  Hostilities  within  the  Territories  of  the  ffrench 
King  would  be  in  Effect  Commencing  War  against 
him,  which  your  Excellency  is  forbid  to  do  by  your 
Instructions  without  his  Majestys  Special  Com- 
mands. 


358  Appendix. 

We  do  also  humbly  Conceive  that  if  your  Excel- 
lency should  threaten  War  even  only  against  the 
Eastern  Indians,  it  would  be  very  Derogatory  to 
the  Honour  of  the  Province  (if  the  Eastern  Indians 
did  continue  the  War)  not  to  Joyn  the  War  against 
them  and  this  your  Excellency  with  any  help  in  the 
power  of  this  Board  to  give  you  without  the  Assem- 
bly Joyning  to  Raise  money  cannot  Effectually  do 
And  the  Assembly  by  their  Resolves  of  the  fifth  of 
October  1722  communicated  about  that  time  to  the 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  have  already 
given  their  Sentiments  concerning  that  matter  to 
which  he  Referrs. 

Wherefore  we  are  sorry  we  cannot  advise  your 
Excellency  to  Comply  with  what  is  desired  in  the 
said  Letter. 

We  are 

Your  Excellencys  most 
Obedient  Humble 

Servants. 
By  Order  of  the  Committee 

Ja  Alexander  Chairman, 
which  Report  was  approved  of  by  this  Board. 

A  true  Copy  taken  from  the  Minutes 
of  Council 

H.  Bobingtn  Ck  Coun1. 

Copy     Examined  f}  J  Willard  Secry. 

Vote  of  the  Govern' 
and  Council  of  New 
York 

Dec1  1 6.  1724. 


Appendix.  359 

\Paper  22.~\ 
LT  GovR  DUMMER  TO  GovR  TALCOT. 

Letter   from    His  Honour  the  Ll 
Governour  to  the  Honoble  Joseph 
Talcot  Esqr   Governour  of  the 
Colony  of  Connecticutt. 
Sir 

The  Answer  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Connec- 
ticutt to  the  motion  lately  made  to  them  by  Col° 
John  Stoddard  in  the  name  of  this  Government 
with  relation  to  the  carrying  on  the  Warr  against 
our  Enemy  Indians,  has  been  transmitted  to  me, 
which  I  have  communicated  to  the  General 
Court  of  this  Province  now  sitting,  And  Inasmuch 
as  it  is  therein  Intimated  that  you  had  not  received 
such  full  Satisfaction  touching  the  Grounds  of  the 
Warr  as  you  desired,  I  have  therefore  directed 
Copys  of  the  Proclamation  of  Warr  and  a  Memo- 
rial to  His  Majesty  wherein  the  Grounds  of  the 
Warr  are  set  forth,  to  be  Inclosed,  Upon  perusal  of 
which  I  hope  you  will  be  fully  sensible  That  the 
grounds  were  sufficient  and  the  Warr  unavoidable. 
And  I  would  give  you  further  to  understand  That  as 
this  Government,  (after  having  Exercised  long  Pa- 
tience towards  the  Eastern  Indians,  notwithstanding 
the  many  and  Great  Outrages  and  Depredations 
comitted  by  them  upon  His  Majestys  Subjects  In- 
habiting our  Frontiers,  till  at  last  by  killing  multi- 
tudes of  their  Cattle  inhumanely  abusing  their  per- 
sons, Plundering  &  burning  their  Houses,  carrying 
several  of  them  away  Captives,  wounding  and  killing 
others,  and  even  in  open  and  hostile-manner  assault- 
ing for  many  hours  A  Fort  where  His  Majtys  Colours 
were  flying,  as  by  the  Inclosed  papers  will  appear, 


360  Appendix. 

Their  Insults  became  intolerable)  did  at  first  with 
much  regret  enter  into  a  Warr  with  such  a  barbarous 
lurking  and  almost  inaccessible  Enemy  to  the  heavy 
Expense  &  Calamity  of  it  not  only  Obliges  us  to 
wish  it  at  an  End,  but  do's  also  Engage  us  to  Exer- 
cise our  thoughts  how  to  bring  it  to  a  speedy  and 
happy  Conclusion.  And  if  the  Governour  of  Canada 
who  has  all  along  abetted  and  Instigated  our  Enemys, 
were  made  sensible,  That  in  case  he  continued  so  to 
do,  the  several  English  Governmts  would  with 
their  united  Forces  pursue  those  Indians,  and  in 
their  Pursuits,  the  Warr  should  be  brought  home  to 
his  own  doors,  there  is  great  reason  to  Conclude  that 
he  would  either  by  withdrawing  his  Assistance  or  by 
Exerting  his  Influence  soon  bring  them  to  proper 
Terms  of  Peace  and  submission,  wherefore  the  Gen- 
eral Court  now  sitting  have  desired  me  Earnestly  to 
move  you,  that  you  would  please  to  appoint  and 
Order  some  suitable  person  of  your  Government,  to 
Joyn  with  such  persons  as  shall  be  sent  from  hence, 
and  from  the  Governments  of  New  York  Rhode 
Island  and  New  Hampshire,  to  repair  to  Monsr  Vau- 
dreuil  Governour  of  Canada  and  there  to  demand 
all  and  every  of  His  Majtys  Subjects  that  have  been 
Captivated  by  the  Indian  Enemy  and  carryed  into 
and  detained  in  any  Part  of  his  Government,  and 
likewise  to  demand  that  the  said  Governour  Vau- 
dreuil  withdraw  the  Countenance  and  Assistance 
which  in  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  &  Con- 
trary to  the  Friendship  and  alliance  between  the  two 
Crowns  he  has  given  to  the  sd  Indians  in  the  prose- 
cution of  their  unjust  Warr  against  His  Majtys  Sub- 
jects in  these  Colonys,  And  otherwise  if  our  Friend 
Indians  who  have  hitherto  been  with  difficulty  re- 
strained should  in  pursuit  of  the  Enemy  Indians 


Appendix.  361 

comit  like  Hostilitys  upon  the  French  Familys  who 
dwell  promiscuously  with  them  as  have  been  Comitted 
by  the  French  Indians  upon  the  Inhabitants  of  this 
Province,  That  the  Blame  will  be  intirely  owing  to 
his  own  Conduct,  and  that  the  said  Agents  likewise 
Inform  him,  that  if  the  Indians  shall  still  persist  in 
this  Warr  against  us,  The  several  English  Govern- 
ments will  find  themselves  Obliged  with  their  united 
Force  (by  the  help  of  God)  to  prosecute  and  pursue 
them  to  the  uttermost ;  And  if  thro'  the  blessing  of 
God  on  our  Endeavours  herein,  a  lasting  Peace 
should  be  brought  forward,  I  trust  that  not  only  this 
Province,  but  the  Colony  of  Connecticutt  also,  will 
have  abundant  Cause  to  rejoyce  in  the  happy  Effects 
of  the  proposed  Message. 

I  hope  you  will  Judge  it  Expedient  to  joyn  with 
us  in  this  affair,  And  desire  you  will  send  me   your 
Answer  as  soon  as  may  be  with  Convenience,  whereby 
you  will  much  Oblige 
Sir 

Yor  Most  Obedient  humble  serv1 
Boston  WILLIAM  DUMMER 

December  Ist  1724. 

Copy     Examined 

3P  J  WILLARD  Secry. 


[Paper  23.] 

GovR  TALCOT  TO  THE  LT  GOVERNOUR  DUMMER. 

Hartford  Decembr  22d  1724. 
Sir 

I  have  Received  yours  of  November  3Oth  with  the 
inclosed  Referred  to  therein  and  with  that  a  Copy  of 
46 


362  Appendix. 

your  Assembly  respecting  the  Message  to  Canada 
had  also  been  inclosed  which  your  Honour  can  yet 
Supply. 

I  have  advised  with  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Coun- 
cil that  I  could  at  this  Season  with  Convenience 
Speak  with  and  am  not  unsensible  of  the  great  Diffi- 
culty and  Charge  the  Warr  with  the  Eastern  Indians 
hath  brought  upon  the  whole  province  under  your 
Command.  I  wish  this  Government  were  able  to  Ren- 
der the  Circumstances  of  your  Province  in  that  affair 
more  Easie  but  as  to  what  your  Honour  Intimates 
respecting  sending  messages  to  Canada  Altho'  that 
project  Seemeth  likely  to  make  Monsr  Vaudreuil  sen- 
sible that  his  Conduct  cant  be  justified  neither  will 
it  well  support  the  ffrench  Cause  when  the  Same 
Methods  shall  be  taken  by  New  England  against 
Canada  the  Letting  loose  the  Indians  as  Intimated 
in  yours  will  doubtless  give  Conviction  when  those 
things  proper  to  C.onvince  Reason  fail  And  therefore 
'tis  to  be  hoped  at  Sight  of  it  at  a  distance  as  Repre- 
sented by  messengers  may  do  something  with  that 
Governour. 

But  yet  would  further  propose  to  Your  Honours 
advisement  whether  it  may  not  be  proper  to  Close 
the  Message  to  Monsr  Vaudreuil  with  a  Represen- 
tation that  it  is  very  apparent  that  our  Indian  Enemy 
have  such  a  dependance  on  him  to  Support  them  in 
the  War  that  he  can  easily  reduce  them  to  quietness 
And  that  his  Exerting  himself  in  so  good  a  work  (as 
Reducing  those  Indians  to  Order  would  be)  may 
hapily  prevent  many  Mischiefs  that  Seem  to  Threaten 
us  as  well  as  the  People  under  his  Command  and 
also  give  us  a  Special  Instance  of  his  good  Neigh- 
bourhood. And  if  this  or  anything  Else  proper  to 
Insert  in  the  Message  to  the  Governour  of  Canada 


Appendix.  363 

might  gain  him  to  Influence  the  Indians  to  peace  it 
would  be  well  but  if  he  should  slight  the  Motion  of 
being  an  Instrument  to  gain  a  Peace  for  us  I  think 
he  would  still  be  the  Less  Excusable  and  must  thank 
himself  when  he  is  Taught  by  other  Means. 

But  yet  after  all  must  let  your  Honour  know  that 
it  is  not  in  my  power  with  the  Council  to  Comply 
with  your  Desire  And  if  I  should  Call  our  Assembly 
together  (who  can  only  Authorize  a  person  to  go 
upon  the  Errand  you  Mention)  I  fear  the  Same 
Scruples  (as  when  Col°  Stoddard  was  with  us)  will  still 
be  started  which  were  principally  two.  First  that  the 
Indians  had  been  wronged  in  their  Lands.  Secondly 
that  the  Hostages  received  by  your  Government  of 
the  Indians  were  only  to  Secure  the  payment  of  some 
Beaver  which  the  Indians  say  they  have  Since  paid 
and  therefore  the  War  not  just  on  the  English 
Side. 

These  things  our  people  have  had  confirmed  to 
them  by  many  persons  (and  some  of  distinction)  of 
your  Governm1  I  would  Charitably  hope  those 
Reports  are  wholly  Groundless  I  should  be  very  un- 
willing to  Entertain  such  things  without  the  Clearest 
proofs. 

Notwithstanding  which  in  Order  to  Satisfy  our 
Assembly  possibly  it  may  be  best  to  Send  to  me  the 
fullest  accounts  that  may  be  come  at.  Our  late  very 
Honourable  and  Excellent  Governour  Col°  Salton- 
stall  some  time  before  his  Death  received  one  of 
your  Treaties  with  the  Eastern  Indians  which  now 
Cant  be  found  doubtless  your  Treaties  and  other 
writings  respecting  the  Eastern  Lands  if  Communi- 
cated to  our  Assembly  might  be  of  Service  and  a 
Copy  of  the  Entry  made  when  the  said  Hostages 
were  delivered  up  (which  Entry  Certainly  doth  In- 


364  Appendix. 

elude  what  they  were  Received  for)  will  Certainly 
Satisfy  our  Assembly  how  the  Matter  is  as  to  the 
Hostages. 

Your  Honour  won1  think  it  Strange  that  there  is 
need  to  satisfie  our  Assembly  in  these  things  when 
you  consider  our  people  had  the  Said  Reports  from 
among  yourselves  as  is  above  hinted  and  that  what 
persons  Confess  against  themselves  is  Easily  believed 
and  in  many  things  these  wants  no  other  proof.  I 
have  insisted  the  more  largely  that  if  possible  I  might 
prevent  all  difficulties  for  I  would  always  cultivate 
that  good  understanding  that  Hath  been  between 
the  Two  Governments. 

By  Order  of  the  Governour  &c  of  the 
Colony  of  Connecticutt. 

Signed 
f)  Her:  Wyllys  Secretary. 

Copy     Examined 

ff  J  Willard  Secry. 


[Paper  2^.~\ 

At  the  Desire  of  Coll0  William  Coddington  and 
Major  Thomas  Freye  Esqrs  Commissioners  from  the 
Government  of  Rhode  Island  to  Treat  and  Confer 
with  the  Government  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  upon 
the  subject  of  their  Furnishing  a  number  of  Men  to 
Joyn  with  our  Forces  in  prosecuting  the  War  against 
the  Indian  Enemy  ;  And  in  Order  to  Satisfy  the  Said 
Commissioners  of  the  Just  Grounds  and  Reasons  of 
the  present  War  with  the  sd  Indians,  that  so  they 
may  be  Enabled  to  give  a  Satisfactory  Account 
thereof  to  the  Government  of  Rhode  Island. 


Appendix.  365 

The  Committee  appointed  by  the  Massachusetts 
Governm1  have  here  made  a  Narrative  of  several 
Treatys  had  with  the  said  Indians,  and  of  the  steps 
this  Government  from  time  to  time  have  taken  in 
order  to  Continue  them  in  Peace  and  Amity  with  his 
Majesties  Subjects  of  this  Province,  as  well  as  some 
short  Account  of  the  Repeated  Injuries,  Outrages 
Depredations  and  Murthers  Comitted  by  the  said 
Indians  on  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Province. 

Anno  1693.  The  several  Tribes  of  Eastern  Indians 
did  at  a  Treaty  with  Sr  William  Phipps  Governor,  at 
Pemaquid  Cast  themselves  upon  Their  Majesty's 
Grace  &  Favour,  acknowledge  their  hearty  subjec- 
tion &  obedience  to  the  Crown  of  England,  Cove- 
nant to  Abandon  the  French  Interest  to  restore 
Captives,  Agree  that  the  English  shall  peaceably  & 
quietly  enter  upon,  Improve  and  forever  Enjoy  all 
their  Rights  of  Land  and  former  Settlements  and 
Possessions  within  the  Eastern  parts  of  the  said 
Province  without  any  Pretensions  or  Claims  by  them, 
or  any  other  Tribe  of  Indians,  and  be  in  no  ways 
Molested  Interupted  or  Disturbed  therein.  That  if 
any  Controversy  Arise  they  will  not  take  private 
Revenge,  but  apply  to  the  Government  for  Remedy 
submitting  themselves  to  be  Ruled  by  their  Majesty's 
Laws,  and  Desiring  to  have  the  Benefit  of  the  same. 

Anno  i  703.  A  treaty  was  held  with  the  Eastern 
I  ndians  at  Casco  Bay  by  Governor  Dudley  where  they 
Covenanted  and  Engaged  to  Continue  in  Peace  and 
Amity  with  Her  Majesties  Subjects  of  this  Govern- 
ment and  two  heaps  of  stones  Called  the  two  Brothers, 
which  had  been  Erected  Anno  1701  were  thereby 
the  English  and  Indians  renewed  in  Perpetual  mem- 
ory of  said  Covenant,  &  yet  within  a  few  weeks  after 
viz  the  beginning  of  August,  they  in  three  parties  at 


366  Appendix. 

the  same  time  fell  upon  her  Majesties  Subjects  in  the 
Eastern  Frontier  of  this  Province,  Burning  Houses, 
killing  &  Carrying  away  many  of  the  Inhabitants  at 
Twenty  miles  distance. 

Anno  1713  July.  The  several  Tribes  of  Eastern 
Indians  at  a  Treaty  with  the  aforesd  Governor  Dudley 
at  Portsmouth  in  New  Hampshire  did  acknowledge 
to  have  made  a  Breach  of  their  Fidelity  &  Loyalty 
to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  to  have  made  open 
Rebellion,  and  did  acknowledge  themselves  to  be  the 
Lawful  subjects  of  Queen  Anne,  and  Promise  Hearty 
subjection  and  Obedience  to  the  Crown  of  Great 
Britain  and  did  then  engage  for  the  future  to  Cease 
All  Acts  of  Hostility  towards  all  the  subjects  of  the 
said  Crown,  never  to  Entertain  any  Treasonable  Con- 
spiracies with  any  other  Nation  to  their  Disturbance. 
That  Her  Majesties  Subjects  shall  &  may  Peaceably 
Enter  upon  Improve  and  forever  Enjoy  all  and  sin- 
gular their  Rights  of  Land,  and  former  settlements 
properties  and  possessions  within  the  Eastern  parts 
of  said  Province  &  New  Hampshire  with  all  Islands 
Shears  Beaches  &  Fishery.  And  if  any  Controversy 
happen  they  will  not  take  private  Revenge  but  Apply 
to  the  Government  for  Remedy.  They  then  Con- 
fessed that  they  had  Contrary  to  all  Faith  and  Justice 
Broke  their  Articles  with  Sr  William  Phipps  Anno 
1693  with  the  Earle  of  Bellomont  Anno  1699  &  with 
Governor  Dudley  August  1702  &  July  1703  notwith- 
standing they  had  been  well  Treated  by  the  Gover- 
nours  &  Cast  themselves  upon  Her  Majesty's  Mercy 
for  Pardon  of  all  their  past  Rebellous  Hostilitys  & 
Violations  of  their  Promises,  Praying  to  be  Received 
into  Her  Majesty's  Grace  and  Protection. 

August  Anno  1717  At  a  Treaty  of  Governor 
Shute  with  the  Several  Tribes  of  Eastern  Indians  at 


Appendix.  367 

Arowsick  they  did  Ratify  and  and  Confirm  the  Treaty 
made  at  Portsmouth  with  Governor  Dudley  Anno 
1713  &  every  the  Articles,  which  relate  to  the  Re- 
straint &  Limitation  of  Trade  &  Commerce,  which  is 
now  otherwise  Managed.  And  whereas  some  Rash 
persons  among  them  had  molested  some  of  their 
good  Fellow  subjects  the  English  in  the  possession 
of  their  Lands,  and  otherwise  111  Treated  them,  they 
did  Disapprove  and  Condemn  the  same,  and  freely 
Consent  that  their  English  friends  shall  possess 
Enjoy  &  Improve  all  the  Lands  which  they  have 
formerly  possessed,  and  all  which  they  have  Obtained 
a  right  and  Title  unto,  hoping  it  will  prove  of  Mutual 
Benefit  to  the  English,  and  them  that  they  Cohabit 
with  them,  which  was  signed  by  Twenty  Sachems, 
and  Principal  Men  of  the  several  Tribes. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  which  the  Indians  making  it 
their  frequent  Practice  to  kill  the  English  Cattle,  to 
threaten  &  Abuse  the  Persons  of  the  Inhabitants  in 
those  parts  of  the  Government  of  this  Province 
The  Government  thought  proper  to  appoint  four 
Gentlemen  being  officers  of  the  Forces  in  Pay,  to 
Confer  with  the  Chiefs  of  the  said  Tribes  of  Indians 
upon  the  Accompt  of  the  Outrages  &  Depredations 
they  had  committed. 

November  Anno  1 720  Shadrach  Walton,  Esqr  Col- 
onel, the  Major  and  two  Captains  met  with  the  Chief 
of  those  Tribes  at  Arowsick  where  being  Charged 
with  the  Spoils,  wrongs  and  Injuries  Comitted  by 
the  Indians  upon  the  Persons  and  Estates  of  the 
English,  and  being  Convicted  thereof  they  did 
Oblige  themselves  to  pay  two  hundd  Skins  towards 
Satisfaction  for  the  same  ;  And  to  Deliver  unto  the 
Government  four  of  their  Principal  men,  not  only  as 
Security  for  payment  of  the  Skins,  but  also  to  remain 


368  Appendix. 

as  Hostages  and  Pledges  to  the  Government  for  the 
Indians  good  behaviour  for  the  time  to  come,  and  to 
deliver  a  greater  number  if  demanded  Signed  by 
six  of  their  Chief  Men  as  Agents  for  the  rest. 

August  Anno  1 72 1.  The  said  Indians  still  proceed- 
ing and  Increasing  in  their  Robberies  &  Outrages 
the  Government  sent  down  Penn  Townsend  Esqr  with 
several  Gentlemen  of  the  Council  &  others  to  Con- 
fer with  them,  &  bring  them  to  Reason  ;  But  altho 
they  had  notice  sent  them  of  their  being  at  Arowsick, 
and  that  the  Indians  sent  them  word  they  would 
Come  to  them  ;  yet  they  broke  their  Promise,  and 
never  came  near  them,  so  they  were  forced  to  return 
without  seeing  or  speaking  with  them. 

From  which  time  forward  for  the  space  of  a  year 
they  grew  more  bold  and  Open  in  their  Insults,  kill- 
ing Cattle  Burning  Houses,  Robbing  &  Burning 
vessels,  killing  His  Majesties  subjects  Openly  As- 
saulting His  Forts  till  at  last  in  July  1722  the  Gov- 
ernment no  longer  Able  to  bear  with  such  Insuffer- 
able Treatment  found  it  absolutely  necessary  to  Pro- 
claim War  against  them  By  all  which  Narrative  it 
appears  that  the  Indians  have  broken  their  solemn 
Covenants  and  Engagements  Insulted  and  killed  His 
Majesty's  subjects  before  the  War  was  proclaimed 
with  the  Eastern  Indians.  And  for  further  Informa- 
tion the  Comittee  for  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Do 
Declare  That  Several  Tribes  of  the  Indians  to  the 
Westward  within  the  French  Government,  without 
the  least  Notice  or  Manifestation  of  any  Disgust, 
whether  by  the  Instigation  of  the  other  Indians,  or 
by  the  French  or  by  both  have  in  a  very  Hostile  way 
&  manner  Invaded  the  Province  in  several  parts, 
have  Captivated  His  Majties  subjects  ;  Others  Mur- 
thered,  Destroyed  their  Estates  &  burnt  their 


Appendix.  369 

Houses  particularly  in  August  1723  killed  the  Revd 
Mr  Willard  at  Rutland  &  Scalped  him  &  two  persons 
more  &  Captivated  three,  one  of  which  has  been  Re- 
deemed out  of  their  hands  &  is  Returned.  In  June 
two  killed  at  Hatfield  &  one  taken.  The  same  year 
three  hundred  of  the  Western  Indians  (among  whom 
was  a  French  Officer  Begon  by  name)  Came  upon 
Northfield  burnt  some  houses,  killed  some  Persons 
&  Captivated  one  Dickeson.  In  the  present  year  1 724 
the  said  Western  Indians  killed  one  Man  at  Groton 
and  broke  into  the  Mans  Garrison,  and  had  destroyed 
the  same  with  many  Lives,  if  they  had  not  been  pre- 
vented by  the  Bravery  of  one  single  person.  And 
in  August  last  the  said  Indians  killed  Eight  Men  at 
Dunstable  &  Captivated  one,  who  is  in  their  hands 
so  that  the  War  with  these  Western  Indians  the 
Government  have  been  forced  into,  without  the  least 
so  much  as  pretended  provocation,  and  the  necessity 
thereof  is  a  sufficient  Reason  ;  and  therefore  the  As- 
sistance from  the  Neighbouring  Colonys  may  very 
Justly  be  Expected  of  them. 

Upon  the  whole  this  Province  being  Involved  and 
Perplexed  with  this  Bloody  War,  &  His  Majesties 
good  subjects  put  to  great  and  heavy  Expence  Calls 
as  loud  for  Assistance  as  if  the  two  Crowns  of  Great 
Britain  &  France  were  at  Variance,  if  not  more,  the 
Indians  being  the  Common  Enemy  by  Land  as 
Pyrates  are  by  Water ;  And  altho  the  Government  of 
Rhode  Island  was  not  Advized  with  on  this  Head  ; 
yet  the  War  being  Unavoidable,  they  as  well  as  the 
other  Governmts  is  fully  acquainted  with  the  pro- 
ceedings of  this  Government  and  Carriage  of  the 
said  Common  Indian  Enemy;  We  doubt  not  will  so 
far  sympathize  with  the  Distressed  Case  of  their 
Fellow  Subjects,  as  to  Joyn  all  together  in  the  Vig- 

47 


370  Appendix. 

orous   prosecution  of  this  War  until   a  happy  Safe 
and  Honourable  Peace  may  be  Obtained. 

In  Council  December  1 5th  1 724.  Read  and  Ordered 
That  this  Report  be  Accepted,  and  that  the  Com- 
mittee of  this  Court  be  Desired  to  Deliver  a  Copy 
thereof  to  the  Commissioners  from  the  Governm*  of 
Rhode  Island. 

Sent  down  for  Concurrence 

J  Willard  Secry. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  December  14th 
1724. 

Read  &  Concurred 

Wm  Dudley  Speaker. 
Copy     Examined 

$)  J  Willard  Secry. 


[Paper  25."] 
LT  GovR  DUMMER  TO  GovR  VAUDREUIL. 

Boston  N  England  January  19th  1724. 
Sir 

Your  Letter  dated  Quebec  October  2Qth  ^  Henry 
Edgar  one  of  the  English  Captives  came  Safe  to  me  ; 
on  perusal  thereof  I  am  greatly  Surprized  at  the  mat- 
ters Contained  therein,  which  are  so  unjustly  repre- 
sented, that  I  cannot  Satisfy  my  Self  to  pass  them  by 
unanswered.  In  the  first  place  As  to  what  you  say 
relating  to  the  death  of  Monsr  Ralle  the  Jesuit,  which 
you  set  forth  as  so  Inhumane  &  Barbarous  ;  I  readily 
acknowledge  that  he  was  slain,  amongst  other  of  our 
Enemies  at  Norridgewalk  ;  And  if  he  had  Confined 


Appendix.  371 

himself  unto  the  professed  Duty  of  his  ffunction  viz 
to  Instruct  the  Indians  in  the  Christian  Religion,  had 
kept  himself  within  the  bounds  of  the  French  Do- 
minions, and  had  not  Instigated  the  Indians  to  War 
&  Rapine  there  might  then  have  been  some  ground 
of  Complaint  ;  But  when  instead  of  Preaching  Peace, 
Love  and  Friendship  Agreeable  to  the  Doctrines  of 
the  Christian  Religion,  he  has  been  a  Constant  and 
Notorious  Fomenter  &  Incendiary  to  the  Indians  to 
kill  burn  &  Destroy,  as  flagrantly  appears  by  many 
original  Letters  &  manuscripts,  I  have  of  his  by  me, 
and  when  in  open  Violation  of  an  Act  of  Parliament 
of  Great  Britain,  and  the  Laws  of  this  Province 
strictly  forbidding  Jesuits  to  reside  or  teach  within 
the  British  Dominions,  he  has  not  only  resided,  but 
also  once  &  again  appeared  at  the  head  of  great 
numbers  of  Indians,  in  an  Hostile  manner  threaten- 
ing and  Insulting,  as  also  publickly  Assaulting  the 
subjects  of  His  British  Majesty;  I  say,  If  after  all, 
such  an  Incendiary  has  happened  to  be  slain  in  the 
heat  of  Action,  among  our  Open  and  Declared 
Enemies,  surely  none  can  be  blamed  therefor  but 
himself,  nor  can  any  safeguard  from  you,  or  any  other 
Justify  him  in  such  proceedings  :  And  I  think  I  have 
much  greater  Cause  to  Complain,  that  Mr  Willard 
the  minister  of  Rutland  (who  never  had  been  guilty 
of  the  Facts  charged  upon  Mr  Ralle  &  applied  him- 
self solely  to  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel)  was  by 
the  Indians  you  sent  to  Attack  that  Town  Assaulted, 
slain  and  scalpt,  &  his  scalp  Carried  in  Triumph  to 
Quebec. 

As  to  the  next  article  you  mention,  That  Sl 
Georges  River  was  in  the  year  1 700  by  order  of  the 
Two  Crowns  Marked  as  the  bounds  of  the  English 
and  French  Lands  whereby  it  appeared  That  Penob- 


372  Appendix. 

scot  was  given  to  you,  and  that  one  La  ffevre  had  a 
right  to  the  Land  thereabouts,  &  that  all  Vessels 
paid  a  Duty  to  him,  And  that  Mr  Capon  Envoy  of 
England  when  King  George  came  upon  the  Throne, 
went  to  ask  the  Penobscot  Indians  to  submit  them- 
selves to  England,  which  they  refused.  I  have  no 
difficulty  .to  Answer  to  each  of  the  aforesd  Points ; 
And  as  to  the  last  relating  to  Mr  Capon  you  La- 
bour under  a  very  great  Mistake  to  mention  him 
as  an  Envoy  of  England,  he  being  far  below 
any  such  Character,  and  only  an  Inferior  Officer, 
Comissary  or  Victualler  to  the  Garrison  of  An- 
napolis, &  sometime  after  that  was  taken  &  yielded 
up  to  the  English,  sent  by  the  Lieutenant  Govr  of  that 
place  to  visit  the  French  settlements  within  that  Dis- 
trict &  to  require  an  Oath  of  Allegiance  and  Fidel- 
ity from  them  to  Queen  Anne ;  but  he  had  no  Occa- 
sion to  Come  and  Entice  the  Penobscot  Indians  to 
submit  themselves  to  England,  for  they  as  well  as  the 
Norridgwalk  Indians  &  many  other  Tribes  had  done 
that  long  before  even  in  the  year  1693  at  a  Treaty 
of  Sr  William  Phipps  Governor  of  this  Province,  by 
which  Treaty,  I  can  make  it  appear,  that  they  not 
only  submitted  themselves  as  subjects  to  the  Crown 
of  England,  but  also  renounced  the  French  Interest 
&  Limited  Claim  to  the  Lands  bought  and  possessed 
by  the  English ;  But  since  King  George  came  to  the 
Throne,  Mr  Capon  has  not  been  in  those  parts  at  all, 
as  I  am  Informed  by  the  People  of  that  Country. 

As  to  Sl  Georges  River  being  the  bounds  and  La 
ffevres  pretended  Right  it  seems  very  wonderful  you 
should  make  any  mention  of  those  things  or  lay  any 
weight  upon  them  at  this  time,  when  if  the  Case  were 
formerly  as  you  now  represent  it,  which  I  do  not 
allow,  all  such  Claim  and  pretension  is  wholly  super- 


Appendix.  373 

ceeded,  and  at  an  end  ;  whereof  you  may  soon  and 
easily  satisfy  your  self  by  Consulting  the  Treaty  of 
peace  at  Utrecht  Concluded  between  the  two  Crowns 
in  the  year  1713  by  the  twelfth  Article,  whereof  it  is 
provided,  "  That  all  Nova  Scotia  or  L'Accadie  with 
"  it's  Ancient  Boundaries  &c.  together  with  the  Do- 
"  minion  property  &  possession  of  the  sd  Islands 
"  Lands  &  places,  and  all  right  to  which,  the  Most 
"  Christian  King,  the  Crown  of  France,  or  any  the 
"subjects  thereof  have  hitherto  had  to  the  Islands 
"  Lands  &  places,  and  the  Inhabitants  of  the  same 
"are  Yielded  &  made  over  to  the  Queen  of  Great 
"  Britain  &  to  her  Crown  forever.  Now  by  the  afo re- 
s'1 Resignation,  the  French  King  Quitted  all  Right 
not  only  to  the  Lands,  but  also  the  Inhabitants 
whether  ffrench  or  Indians,  or  whatsoever  they  were 
&  transferred  the  same  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Brit- 
ain forever,  whereby  you  are  Entirely  Cutt  off  from 
any  Claim  to  the  subjection  of  the  said  Indians,  from 
thence  forward  ;  And  we  are  not  Ignorant  how  far 
the  ffrench  King  understood  the  Countrey  of  L'Ac- 
cadie to  Extend  Westward  by  his  Patent  Granted 
to  Monsr  D'Alney  tho  you  seem  to  be  a  stranger 
to  it. 

As  to  the  whole  Nation  of  the  Indians  Exclaiming 
against  some  of  their  Tribe,  as  pretending  they  were 
suborned  to  give  Deeds  for  their  Lands,  if  it  be  mat- 
ter of  Fact,  that  they  do  so,  which  is  hard  to  be  Con- 
ceived, it  is  a  most  unjust  Imputation,  &  must  Argue 
a  wonderful  Deceitfulness  &  self  Contradiction  in 
them,  since  they  have  upon  all  Treatys  when  the 
whole  Tribes  were  together  Constantly  acknowledged 
and  submitted  to  the  English  Titles  and  possessions, 
which  they  had  by  honest  and  Lawful  purchase  Ac- 
quired. 


3  74  Appendix. 

As  to  the  Building  of  Forts  any  where  within  the 
British  Dominions  I  suppose  you  will  not  scruple  to 
acknowledge  that  the  King  of  Great  Britain  has  as 
good  a  right  to  Erect  Fortresses  or  places  of  Defence 
within  His  Dominions,  as  the  ffrench  King  has  in 
his  And  therefore  when  you  shall  please  to  Give  me 
Instances  of  the  French  Kings  Applying  himself  to 
the  Indians  for  leave  to  build  a  Fort  or  Forts  for  the 
Defence  of  His  Subjects  I  shall  then  give  you  a  fur- 
ther Answer  to  that  Argument.  And  in  the  mean- 
time I  must  tell  you  we  have  always  treated  the  In- 
dians with  sincerity,  &  never  thought  it  proper  to 
make  Apologies  for  Building  Forts  within  our  own 
Jurisdiction  (as  you  Insinuate)  but  on  the  Contrary 
in  all  Our  Treatys  with  them  have  Ascerted  our  un- 
doubted right  so  to  do. 

You  likewise  signify  that  we  must  Blame  no  body 
but  our  selves  for  the  Violence  and  Hostilities  Com- 
mitted against  Our  nation  by  the  Indians.  But  syr, 
If  the  blame  must  lye  where  it  ought  I  must  Impute 
their  Outrages,  falsness  &  111  Conduct  towards  us, 
not  so  much,  to  their  own  Inclinations,  as  to  the  In- 
stigations of  the  Jesuit  Ralle  &  others  Under  your 
Government,  whereof  we  have  had  sufficient  Informa- 
tion from  time  to  time,  as  also  of  your  own  forcing 
the  Indians  against  their  Wills  upon  our  Frontiers 
to  destroy  &  Cutt  off  our  People  which  Cannot  be 
otherwise  lookt  upon  as  a  direct  &  Notorious  Viola- 
tion of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  at  Utrecht. 

NEVERTHELESS  SIR,  After  all,  I  have  much  greater 
Inclination  to  live  in  Amity  &  good  Correspondence 
with  you  than  otherwise,  And  therefore  I  have  sent 
Coll0  Samuel  Thurber  one  of  His  Majesties  Council, 
and  Coll0  William  Dudley  one  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  who  are  Commissioned  to  Confer 


Appendix.  375 

with  you  Pursuant  to  such  Instructions  as  they  have 
received  from  me ;  And  I  Desire  that  you  will  Give 
CREDENCE  to  them  accordingly. 

I  am, 

Sir, 

Your  Most  Humble  & 
Most  Obed1  Servant 

WM.  DUMMER. 
Copy     Examined  ^  J  Willard  Secry. 


[Paper  26J] 
CAPT.  JORDAN'S  DECLARATION. 

The  Declaration  of  Samuel  Jor- 
dan Interpreter  who  went 
with  the  Honble  Samuel  Thax- 
ter  &  William  Dudley  Esqrs 
Commissioners  (-appointed  by 
the  Ll  Governor  of  this  Prov- 
ince) from  Boston  to  Mon- 
treal, &  other  places  in  the 
Government  of  Canada  in  the 
year  1725. 

The  said  Jordan  saith,  That  the  said  Commission- 
ers in  their  Journey  from  Albany  to  Montreal  met 
with  two  Indians  at  Shambley  River  so  called,  who 
came  down  there  from  their  Wigwams  to  wait  on 
them,  and  expressed  their  Joy  to  see  them;  They 
made  Inquiry  Concerning  the  Hostages  at  Boston  & 
signified  their  Inclination  to  be  at  Peace  with  the 
English;  which  the  Declarant  told  them  might  be 


3  76  Appendix. 

Obtained    (if  they  Expressed   their  desires    to   the 
Governm1)  upon  reasonable  terms. 

Upon  their  arrival  at  Montreal  the  Comissioners 
Obtained  Governor  Vaudreuil's  Consent,  That  I 
might  go  down  to  Sl  Francois  &  Wenox  &  other 
places  thereabouts  in  Order  to  discourse  with  the 
Indians  referring  to  the  English  Captives,  &  relating 
to  the  War  &c.  &  he  sent  with  me  an  Interpreter. 
And  in  the  month  of  March  last  I  arrived  at  S4  Francis, 
&  Tarried  at  a  French  House  there  for  Mr  De  Laune 
the  Interpreter,  and  asking  him  why  he  tarried  so 
long  before  he  came  there  ;  he  answered  that  he  had 
been  to  enquire  for  Mr  Perubres  to  deliver  him  a 
Letter  from  Govr  Vaudreuil,  but  he  was  gone  to 
Montreal  &  that  I  must  tarry  where  I  was  till  the 
said  Perubres  return,  which  said  Perubres  was  a 
Fryer;  But  I  being  unwilling  to  tarry  unless  the  In- 
terpreter would  forbid  any  further  proceeding  under 
his  hand ;  he  with  some  difficulty  allowed  me  to 
go  to  speak  with  the  Indians  at  Sl  Frangois ;  where  I 
met  with  several  Indian  Women,  who  told  me  their 
Husbands  had  gone  out  to  War  against  the  English. 
They  frowned  upon  me  at  first,  and  I  askt  the  reason 
why  they  lookt  so  angry,  I  was  told  they  had  several 
of  them  lost  their  Relations  in  the  unjust  War  with 
the  English  (as  they  Called  it)  &  they  could  not  see 
an  English  Man  without  Indignation  I  told  them 
that  the  Indians  without  Just  Cause  had  made  War 
and  the  English  were  Obliged  to  Defend  themselves. 
To  which  it  was  answered,  if  it  was  so  they  were  not 
rightly  Informed.  They  further  said,  that  in  time  of 
Peace  the  English  had  taken  four  or  five  Indian  Men, 
&  detained  them  in  Boston  as  Prisoners  ;  but  when 
I  related  to  them  how  those  Men  were  sent  as  Hos- 
tages to  Boston,  and  how  that  matter  truly  was  ;  and 


Appendix.  377 

how  the  Indians  began  the  Hostilities  burning  the 
English  in  Houses  &c  they  seemed  to  be  better  Satis- 
fied or  Appeased  ;  And  after  they  had  Expressed  their 
Inclinations  to  Peace  with  the  English,  I  told  them  it 
would  be  their  own  fault,  if  they  did  not  seek  it,  for 
the  English  were  well  Inclined  to  live  in  Peace  with 
them  upon  their  submission.  And  thereupon  they 
desired  that  I  would  do  what  in  me  lay  to  prevail 
with  the  Honourable  Comissioners  then  at  Montreal, 
that  there  might  be  a  Peace. 

Afterwards  I  met  with  two  Indians  namely  Richard 
Hegen  &  John  Doane  in  their  Wigwam.  They  told 
me  they  were  glad  to  see  me,  made  Enquiry  after  the 
Comissioners  and  asked  several  Questions  about  the 
War,  and  told  me  they  were  glad  to  hear  the  Comis- 
sioners were  Come  to  Treat  of  Peace  with  the  In- 
dians ;  I  told  them  I  did  not  understand,  they  were 
Come  for  that  End,  but  to  Treat  with  Governour 
Vaudreuil  referring  to  his  Assisting  and  Encouraging 
the  Indians  in  the  Management  of  the  War  against 
the  English  :  But  yet  tho  the  Indians  had  made  an 
Unjust  War,  the  English  upon  their  submission  and 
Allegiance  to  King  George  were  Inclinable  upon 
Just  and  reasonable  terms  to  Enter  into  an  Alliance 
of  Friendship ;  and  that  what  the  English  had 
hitherto  done  was  to  defend  themselves  from  the 
rage  and  Cruelty  of  the  Indians  :  Whereupon  one  of 
the  Indians  viz  Hegen  said,  for  his  part,  he  was  al- 
ways of  the  mind  that  the  Indians  began  the  War,  & 
tho  he  had  many  relations  killed  by  the  English,  yet 
he  Could  not  blame  them  since  they  were  killed  after 
the  War  began  ;  and  wished  that  some  of  the  Sachems 
or  Chief  Men  had  been  there  &  added  that  they  were 
gone  ahunting,  &  their  return  was  speedily  Expected, 
48 


378  Appendix. 

&  seemed  Concerned  that  many  of  the  Indians  were 
gone  out  to  War  against  the  English. 

One  of  the  Indians  said,  that  the  Indians  were  told 
by  Monsr  Ramsie  &  Mr  Laurone  (who  lately  returned 
home  from  Boston)  That  the  English  said  they  would 
never  be  at  Peace  with  the  Indians,  for  that  they 
Could  afford  to  spare  or  loose  one  hundred  English 
men  to  one  Indian  I  told  the  Indians  that  there  was 
no  truth  in  that  report  And  further  I  observed  to  the 
sd  two  Indians  That  Govr  Vaudreuil  had  signified  his 
Inclination  to  Peace,  and  that  he  would  send  his  son 
to  Boston  in  order  to  bring  it  about,  One  of  the  In- 
dians said  he  wished  the  Governor  had  been  always 
of  that  mind.  A  French  Man  being  present,  took 
Notice  to  me,  That  (if  he  was  rightly  Informed)  the 
English  had  wronged  the  Indians,  &  taken  away  their 
Lands  very  unjustly.  But  the  Indians  said  that  they 
were  fighting  for  Land  they  should  r.ever  get,  but 
instead  thereof  the  English  daily  gained  ground;  & 
very  much  lamented  the  poverty  &  distress  they  were 
brought  into  by  the  Calamitous  War. 

Afterwards  I  went  toTrois  river,  or  three  Rivers  so 
called  to  make  Inquiry  for  English  Captives, where  one 
Capt.  Chierdau  gave  me  liberty  to  go  &  speak  with 
the  Indians.  I  met  with  Eight  or  nine  Indian  Women 
and  two  Indian  men  Coming  from  the  Fort,  who  told 
me  they  were  glad  to  see  me  ;  and  after  they  had  asked 
me  my  Business  they  told  me  their  Sachem  Called 
France  Wex  would  be  glad  to  see  me,  And  Manifested 

• 

great  Inclinations  to  Peace  with  the  English,  and  urged 
me  by  all  means  to  go  and  see  their  Sachem,  who  knew 
me  ;  But  having  the  Governours  Letter  to  Mr  Pegun- 
court  (the  Lord  of  the  palace  as  he  was  Called)  I  first 
went  and  delivered  the  Letter  to  him  ;  And  he  hav- 
ing told  me  That  I  might  Safely  go  and  see  the 


Appendix.  379 

aforesd  Sachems  (only  he  advised  me  first  to  go  and 
pay  a  civil  Complement  to  the  Fryer  who  kept  in  the 
ffort)  I  accordingly  went  to  the  Fort,  and  sent  word 
to  the  Fryer,  That  there  was  one  Come  from  Boston 
in  order  to  speak  with  the  Indians  for  the  Liberty  of 
some  English  Captives,  and  that  he  had  liberty  from 
Governor  Vaudreuil  to  talk  with  them  ;  And  presently 
after  the  Fryer  came  out  to  me  in  an  Outragious 
Violent  manner  with  Outstretched  arms  says  with  a 
loud  Voice ;  What  do's  this  Rogue  do  here  and  by 
what  Authority  came  you  here  ;  I  told  him  I  came 
by  Governor  Vaudreuil's  leave,  &  at  the  request  of 
several  Indians  present;  he  Replied,  As  for  Gover- 
nour  Vaudreuil  he  has  nothing  to  do  here,  I  am  Com- 
ander  &  Chief  of  this  Village ;  Neither  he  nor 
Monsr  Peguncourt  (from  whom  you  Obtained  liberty 
you  say  also  to  Come)  have  any  thing  to  do  here ; 
and  if  I  should  take  you  and  hang  you  up  this  Minute, 
theres  no  Body  here  would  dare  to  say  to  me  why  do 
you  so  ;  And  had  I  (said  he)  but  three  or  four  Men 
here,  I  would  burn  you  in  this  place  Alive.  Be  gone 
Imediately  ;  You  are  one  of  them  that  Murdered  our 
Father  (meaning  Mr  Ralle)  and  I  forbid  you  to  say 
a  word  to  the  Indians  ;  so  I  was  going  out  from  the 
Fort,  but  two  Indian  Men,  &  some  Indian  Women 
met  me  &  told  me  their  Sachem  wanted  very  much 
to  speak  with  me ;  I  said  to  them  that  their 
Priest  or  Fryer  forbid  me  to  speak  with  them  & 
threatened  to  kill  me  if  I  did.  The  Indians  answered 
the  Priest  has  nothing  to  do  here,  You  are  within  our 
Fort,  &  we  are  Masters  of  it ;  so  at  their  desire  I 
went  in  to  the  Sachem  ;  as  I  entered  I  saw  an  Eng- 
lish Scalp  purposely  laid  in  the  way  for  me  to  see. 
And  the  Sachem  (who  was  blind)  hearing  me  speak 
asked  whether  Sam  :  was  there ;  I  then  said  here  I 


380  Appendix. 

am  ;  he  told  me  he  was  glad  to  hear  me  speak,  tho  he 
could  not  see  me  ;  and  said  that  if  he  had  his  sight, 
as  he  had  when  he  once  knew  me  I  should  not  have 
had  opportunity  to  come  to  the  Fort,  for  said  he  I 
am  a  Man,  meaning  by  that  Expression  (as  I  took 
it)  that  he  would  have  killed  me  before  then.  After 
sundry  Questions,  he  asked  me  whether  I  was  come 
to  make  Peace ;  I  told  him  we  were  not  come  to 
offer  but  to  receive  offers  or  terms  of  Peace  &  told 
him  my  Belief  that  the  English  would  be  willing  to 
be  at  Peace  with  them,  if  they  sought  for  it.  To 
which  the  Sachem  replied  then  you  have  Changed 
your  mind  lately.  Immediately  thereupon  we  were 
Interuped  by  the  aforesd  Furious  Fryer  who  came 
in  great  Wrath,  and  spake  to  the  Indians  present 
after  this  manner  "  Children  I  wonder  that  you 
"  have  any  thing  to  say  to  this  Fellow,  whom 
"  we  know  is  a  Rogue  &  a  Lyar,  'tis  the  nature 
"  of  the  English  to  be  lyars  from  their  Cradle, 
"  this  is  one  of  them  that  has  killed  our  Father, 
"  who  was  such  a  good  Father  as  you  all  very  well 
"  know  ;  Yea  this  is  one  of  the  Rogues  that  has  done 
"  it ;  under  pretence  of  Peace  at  Norridgewalk  they 
"  murdered  our  good  Father  there  ;  &  he's  now  Come 
"  under  the  like  pretence  to  Murder  you  But  (quoth 
"  he)  you  have  him  in  Your  hands  therefore  do  what 
you  will  with  him  (or  in  other  words  as  I  took  his 
meaning)  knock  him  in  the  Head.  The  English  say 
you  may  have  Peace  if  you  desire  it,  but  let  the 
English  beg  for  peace  first,  if  they  would  have  it,  & 
upon  such  terms  as  you  will  please  to  give  'em  ;  and 
let  them  send  home  the  five  Indian  Captives  they 
detain  at  Boston  Then  I  took  notice  that  one  of 
them,  had  lately  had  liberty  given  him  to  go  &  visit 
his  ffriends  ;  the  Fryer  called  me  a  Lyar  before  them 


Appendix.  381 

all :  And  that  the  truth  of  what  I  had  said  might  be 
Credited  by  the  Indians,  I  told  them  what  I  said  re- 
lating to  the  said  Indian  was  as  true  as  that  there 
was  a  God  in  Heaven.  Then  the  ffryer  in  his  Pas- 
sion breaks  out,  here  you  see  what  he  is  now  !  As  if 
he  knew  any  thing  about  a  God,  a  fellow  of  no  Re- 
ligion, who  never  Served  any  body  but  the  Devil ; 
and  forbid  me  speaking  any  thing  further  And  an 
Indian  who  had  lost  a  Cousin  in  the  War  standing 
by,  being  prompted  as  I  believe  by  the  Fryer  Ac- 
costed the  Indians  after  this  manner  Our  Father 
(i.  e.  the  Fryer)  is  in  the  right  I  like  his  talk  very 
well,  he  seems  now  to  speak  for  us,  &  you  may  de- 
pend upon  what  he  has  said  ;  And  the  Indians  by 
these  methods  grew  surly  &  Angry  ;  And  the  Fryer 
in  Indignation  again  told  them  I  was  a  Lyar  &  there 
was  no  truth  in  me,  or  the  Governm1  at  Boston  The 
old  blind  Sachem  took  hold  of  my  hand,  &  by  the 
Contenance  of  the  Indians  &  their  Actions  there  was 
too  much  reason  to  think  they  intended  me  111,  and 
only  wanted  more  help  to  put  their  design  in  Execu- 
tion so  I  left  them.  And  the  Fryer  at  my  Departure 
(which  he  Endeavoured  to  delay)  told  me  that  if  he 
had  but  three  or  four  men  that  he  knew  of  he  would 
either  burn  me  or  knock  me  on  the  head  before  I 
went  from  the  ffort 

The  next  day  at  the  three  Rivers  some  Indians 
came  to  my  Lodgings,  &  desired  me  not  to  take 
much  notice  of  what  the  Fryer  had  said  the  day  be- 
fore, for  tho  he  talked  so  much,  yet  he  was  not 
wholly  their  Master.  And  after  the  Indians  had 
Disclosed  their  thoughts  (that  they  Believed  the 
Fryer  Intended  that  the  Indians  should  have  killed 
me)  The  sd  Indians  said  to  me,  you  tell  us  we  may 
have  Peace  if  we  desire  it ;  we  have  wrote  several 


382  Appendix. 

Letters  to  the  Govr  at  Boston,  &  never  had  any 
answer  to  them.  I  told  them  I  did  not  know  of  any 
that  had  been  sent ;  They  said  they  sent  Letters  by 
Mess"  Ramsey  &  Laurow  when  they  came  last  to 
Boston  signifying  their  desires  of  Peace,  and  that 
the  English  refused  to  Answer  them,  and  put  the  sd 
Laurow  &  Ramsey  into  an  old  Barn  &  they  suffered 
hunger  not  being  able  to  bye  Victuals  for  their  Money. 
They  further  said,  the  English  Declared  that  they  did 
not  want  a  Peace,  for  that  they  Could  loose  one  hun- 
dred Men  to  the  Indians  one  &c  I  told  them  that 
those  two  Gentlemen  were  well  Treated,  and  that  the 
Governm1  Expended  very  Considerably  upon  them, 
and  that  (as  I  understood)  They  only  brought  a  Letter 
to  the  English  Governor,  from  Governor  Vaudreuil, 
which  no  ways  tended  to  Peace  ;  but  on  the  Contrary 
it  was  reckoned  a  very  Insulting  Letter  &c,  and  that 
they  were  asked  if  they  had  any  thing  further  to  offer 
than  what  was  Contained  in  their  Letter;  and  they 
Answered  they  had  not  &c  A  French  Gentn  being 
present  at  the  time  when  this  talk  happened  between 
me  &  the  Indians,  Observed  to  me  that  the  sd  Lau- 
row &  Ramsey  had  reported  what  the  sd  Indians  had 
declared  to  me ;  And  they  then  said  Govr  Vaudreuil 
had  not  dealt  fairly  with  but  deceived  them  in  this 
matter ;  And  seing  it  is  so  (said  the  Oldest  Indian  to 
the  rest)  I  advise  you  by  all  means  to  sue  for  Peace 
with  the  English,  since  you  may  Obtain  it  for  asking 
for,  strive  for  it,  and  make  it  your  Business  to  get  it; 
for  otherwise  instead  of  getting  the  Lands  you  Con- 
tend for,  the  English  will  kill  you  all,  &  much  more 
to  the  same  purpose  And  the  Indians  desired  me  to 
Intreat  the  Comissioners  at  Montreal  to  stay  till 
some  of  their  Indians  could  go  there  to  treat  with 
them  Concerning  a  Peace  ;  for  that  they  discovered 


Appendix.  383 

More  of  the  Inclinations  of  the  English  now  than  they 
had  before 

Further  I  declare  That  upon  Discourse  with  the 
Indians,  I  understood  that  they  lost  several  Indians 
many  times  when  they  Attacked  our  Forces  on  the 
Frontiers,  &  at  their  Garrisons.  And  a  French  Man 
who  lived  among  them  told  me,  that  there  was  Sixty 
Indians  to  his  knowledge  killed  at  Norridgewalk ;  & 
he  believes  by  the  Information  received  from  the  In- 
dians they  lost  near  One  hundred  Indians  at  that 
time. 

Samel  Jordan. 

In  Council  May  28th  1725  Read. 

A  true  Copy 

$)  J  Willard  Secry. 

The  above  written  Samuel  ^| 
Jordan  has  been  sworn  as  I 
Indian  Interpreter  to  this  [ 
Governm1. 

J  Willard  Secry. 


\JPaper  <?/.] 

DANIEL  GOOLD'S  TESTIMONY. 

June  the  26th  1725 

Daniel  Goold  of  full  age  Testifyeth  &  Declareth 
That  he  being  Master  of  the  Schooner  Mary  belong- 
ing to  Marblehead  on  a  ffishing  voyage  near  a  place 
called  ffox  Island  neer  Penobscot  on  the  22th  day  of 
June  1724.  A  number  of  Indians  with  one  French- 
man who  sd  his  name  was  Castein  came  on  board  sd 
Schooner  in  Canowes  in  an  hostile  manner  and  Cap- 


384  Appendix. 

tivated  the  Deponent  &  all  his  Company  &  killed 
one  of  his  men  &  shot  &  wounded  three  more,  of 
which  said  Company  they  carried  four  into  Penob- 
scot  &  from  thence  three  of  them  to  Quebeck  where 
the  French  there  received  the  Indians  with  mani- 
festations of  Great  Joy,  feasting  them  two  days 
together. 

Also  this  Deponent  Testifyes  &  saith  that  he  saw 
the  sd  Indians  divide  a  barrel  of  powder  with  propor- 
tionate ball  and  flints  amongst  them  which  they  said 
was  to  furnish  them  to  goe  against  the  English. 

This  Deponent  farther  declares  that  he  was  In- 
formed by  an  English  prisoner  at  Canada  that  the 
Indians  burnt  at  Penobscot  an  English  Captive  be- 
cause he  did  not  doe  as  they  would  have  him  when 
they  went  against  George's  Fort  &  farther  this  De- 
ponent saith  not. 

Daniel  Goold. 
Jurat  &  Capt.  coram 

Nath1  Nordon 
Benja  Lynde 


1  Just'  Pac€ 


Essex  Marblehead  June  26th  1725. 


{Paper  28.~\ 

TESTIMONY  OF  SAMUEL  HARRIS. 

SAMUEL  HARRIS  of  full  age  testifieth  &  Declareth 
that  he  being  on  a  ffishing  voyage  in  a  Schooner 
called  the  Sea-flower  Joseph  Wallis  Master  at  or  near 
a  place  called  ffox  Islands  neer  Penobscott  on  the 
22th  day  of  June  1724.  A  number  of  Indians  with 
two  Frenchmen  one  of  which  said  his  name  was 


Appendix.  385 

Castein  came  on  board  sd  Schooner  in  Canowes  and 
in  an  hostile  manner  did  then  &  there  Kill  on  board 
our  vessel  &  other  vessels  in  company  with  us  twenty- 
two  men,  &  Captivated  twenty  three  (of  whom 
eighteen  were  wounded)  and  so  we  were  all  carried 
to  Penobscott.  And  after  Eight  of  us  were  carried 
from  thence  to  Quebeck.  Where  the  French  received 
the  Indians  wth  manifestacons  of  great  Joy  feasting 
them  for  several  dayes  together. 

This  Deponent  further  declares  that  he  was  told 
by  the  French,  &  by  the  Indian  Enemy  at  Canada, 
That  the  Indians  had  burnt  an  English  Captive  at 
Penobscott. 

And  farther  this  Deponent  saith  not. 

The  mark  of 
Samuel  O  Harris. 
Jurat  &  Capt.  Coram 

Benja  Lynde  \  ,      fl 
John  Turner  j  J 

Essex  3R     Salem  June  28th  1725. 


[Paper  ^9.] 

DECLARATION  OF  THE  COMMISS**  TO  CANADA  TO  THE 
GOVERNMT  OF  NEW  YORK. 

WEE  the  Subscribers  having  been  at  Canada  on  an 
Errand  from  the  Governments  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  and  New  Hampshire  concerning  the  unjust  War 
the  Abernaques  or  Eastern  Indians  have  with  the 
aforesaid  Governments  and  the  Governour  of  Canada 
his  Asisting  and  Abetting  them  therein  think  proper 
to  Acquaint  the  Commissioners  of  the  Indian  Affairs 

49 


386  Appendix. 

in  Albany  and  by  them  the  Government  of  York  of 
Some  Transactions  in  the  ffrench  Country  which  may 
be  worthy  of  Observation. 

After  we  had  delivered  our  Message  Monsr  Vau- 
dreuill  the  Governour  of  Canada  told  us  that  our 
Errand  was  not  as  he  had  Received  one  from  the 
Government  of  New  York  to  pray  him  to  Restrain 
those  Indians  from  Meddling  with  that  Province 
which  he  had  done  upon  their  Earnest  request  whereas 
our  Demand  was  not  of  that  Nature. 

MONSR  VAUDREUILL  was  very  angry  that  the  Gov- 
ernment of  New  York  should  pretend  to  build  any 
Block-house  or  {fortification  on  or  near  the  River 
Onontaga  and  told  us  that  he  Should  look  on  Such 
a  proceeding  as  a  violation  of  the  Peace  made  at 
UTRECHT  and  would  Certainly  Demolish  any  Such 
Building.  And  Accordingly  at  this  very  Juncture 
Monsr  Longuile  who  is  the  Second  man  in  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Canada  is  gone  up  into  the  Onontaga  & 
Senecas  country  with  a  Considerable  Detachment  of 
French  Souldiers  his  business  we  do  not  pretend  to 
Say  but  we  are  very  apt  to  think  that  Such  officers 
and  Men's  being  in  that  Country  can  in  no  wise  tend 
to  the  Continuing  those  five  Nations  in  their  Allegi- 
ance &  Dependance  on  his  Majesty  King  George. 

Monsr  Vaudreuill  told  us  ffrankly  and  plainly  that 
he  could  at  any  time  sett  the  ffive  Nations  of  Iroquois 
(Expressly  Excepted  in  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  as  De- 
pending on  the  British  Dominion)  on  the  English 
and  Cause  them  to  Kill  &  Captivate  the  Subjects  of 
the  King. 

MONSR  VAUDREUILL  has  by  himself  or  others  So 
far  Instigated  the  Abenaques  to  make  demands  on 
the  Government  of  the  Massachusetts  of  Thirty 
Leagues  on  the  Sea  Coast  all  within  the  Grant  of 


Appendix.  387 

that  Province  from  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  and 
in  which  has  been  settled  Several!  Towns  and  many 
hundred  Inhabitants  and  fforts  built  by  Order  from 
home  and  Some  of  it  possessed  upwards  of  flour 
Score  years  altho  the  Same  has  been  fairly  purchased 
&  possessed  as  aforesaid. 

And  our  asking  those  Indians  how  far  their  De- 
mands were  Eastward  their  Answer  was  in  the  pres- 
ence of  Governour  Vaadreuill  the  whole  Country  of 
Lacadie  or  Nova  Scotia  Excepting  only  the  ffort  of 
Annapolis  Royall  notwithstanding  the  said  Country 
of  Lacadie  belongs  to  the  British  Crown  And  these 
unreasonable  Indians  were  countenanced  by  the  said 
Governour  and  a  numerous  Company  of  ffrench  who 
heard  all  the  Discourse. 

The  said  Indians  told  us  plainly  they  would  have 
no  peace  with  the  said  Two  Governments  unless  all 
the  said  Land  was  delivered  up  the  ffort  demolished 
the  Church  at  Norridgewalk  rebuilt  the  plunder  there 
taken  returned  and  their  Priest  Restored  to  them 
who  was  killed  in  that  action  at  the  head  of  our  In- 
dian Enemy  as  he  had  often  been  before. 

We  demanded  an  Answer  to  our  proposal  made  to 
the  Governour  of  Canada  in  writing  to  prevent  any 
mistake  he  answered  he  would  not  give  any  Such 
under  his  hand  tho'  at  the  Same  time  he  said  he 
had  not  Encouraged  the  Indians  in  the  War  not- 
withstanding the  Contrary  was  proved  by  many  Let- 
ters to  the  Priest  Ralle  and  other  papers  and  Letters 
taken  by  the  English  at  several  times. 

The  Said  Governour  on  our  Demand  of  the  Cap- 
tive answered  as  for  those  in  the  Indians  hands  he 
would  do  nothing  As  for  those  in  the  French  hands 
we  should  have  them  paying  what  they  Cost  And  we 
could  not  have  them  without  purchasing  of  them  at 


388  Appendix. 

any  price  their  Masters  were  pleased  to  Demand  And 
the  purchase  consideration  in  many  Exceedingly  Ad- 
vanced from  the  Original  or  ffirst  Cost.  By  all  which 
it  plainly  appears  what  Abuses  hardships  and  intol- 
lerable  burthen  His  Majestys  Good  Subjects  lye 
under  being  used  more  like  brute  Creatures  than 
Men  and  Christians  and  calls  aloud  upon  all  Men 
under  the  Same  King  to  Lend  a  helping  hand  to  get 
the  aforesaid  Governments  out  of  this  unjust  War. 

SAMLL  THAXTER 
WM  DUDLEY. 
Copy     Examined 

^  J  Willard  Secry. 


[Paper  joj\ 

COMMISSIONERS  DEMAND  OF  THE  GOVERNOR  OF 
CANADA. 

YOUR  LORDSHIP  is  sensible  of  our  Errand  by  the 
Commission  We  have  delivered  to  you  which  Directs 
us  to  Demand  all  the  British  Subjects  which  have 
been  taken  by  the  Indians  in  this  present  War  which 
they  have  unjustly  made  with  us  And  which  Prisoners 
are  now  Detained  in  your  Lordships  Governm1  or 
any  part  thereof  The  Delivery  of  whom  tends  to 
Cultivate  the  good  Harmony  and  perfect  Agreement 
that  there  is  between  the  two  Princes  our  Masters 
and  which  ought  to  be  followed  and  put  in  practice 
by  the  Subjects  of  both  Sides. 

YOUR  Lordships  Government  is  Large  in  Extent 
and  no  doubt  but  that  there  is  many  Tribes  of  In- 
dians contained  in  its  Limits  And  under  your 


Appendix.  389 

Authority  therefore  we  do  Demand  all  the  prisoners 
that  are  the  British  Subjects  that  are  in  Such  Indians 
hands  that  have  been  taken  within  this  three  years 
past. 

We  are  in  the  next  place  to  insist  on  your  Lord- 
ships with  drawing  any  countenance  Aid  or  Assist- 
ance to  the  Indians  that  have  unjustly  entered  into 
this  present  War  And  to  ffortifie  our  Demand  in  this 
point  Your  Lordship  must  remember  the  great  and 
good  Harmomy  and  Onion  there  is  between  the  Two 
Crowns  and  how  the  Subjects  of  Each  are  to  live  in 
Peace  and  Quiet  therefore  for  any  Governour  to  Set 
on  and  Instigate  any  of  his  princes  Subjects  to  Mo- 
lest the  Subjects  of  the  other  Prince  is  an  open  Vio- 
lation of  that  Quiet  And  the  Peace  concluded  at 
Utrecht  now  that  your  Lordship  has  thus  done  or 
permitted  to  be  done  by  the  Several  Tribes  of  In- 
dians that  do  Actually  Reside  within  the  Limits  of 
your  Government  is  Notorious.  Witness  the  many 
poor  prisoners  and  Scalps  of  Innocent  People  those 
Indians  now  have. 

We  are  further  to  prove  that  the  Aiding  and  As- 
sisting and  Exciting  or  Suffering  any  of  the  ffrench 
Kings  Subjects  to  be  Aiding  Assisting  or  Abetting 
the  Eastern  Indians  in  their  Crueltys  and  barbarities 
on  King  GEORGES  Subjects  is  an  open  and  manifest 
breach  of  the  good  Agreement  there  is  Established 
between  the  two  Nations  now  that  this  has  been  done 
by  your  Lordships  Order  and  direction  We  do  prove 
by  His  Letters  to  our  Governour  by  the  Intendants 
Letter  And  by  Several  Letters  of  the  Priest  Ralle 
and  which  cannot  be  denyed. 

Those  Eastern  Indians  certainly  Dwell  either  in 
the  King  of  Great  Britains  Dominions  or  the  Terri- 
tories of  the  ffrench  King.  If  in  the  ffrench  Kings 


390  Appendix. 

Dominions  the  Violation  of  the  Peace  is  very  ffla- 
grant  they  then  being  his  Subjects  as  his  Lordship 
is  pleased  to  Term  them  in  his  Letter  of  the  29"* 
of  Octo  1 724,  and  by  a  Clause  in  his  Lordships  Let- 
ter to  Monsr  Ralle.  But  and  if  those  Indians  have 
been  and  now  are  the  Subjects  of  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain  and  will  Reside  in  his  Territories 
then  much  more  is  it  a  Breach  of  the  Happy  Peace 
to  Excite  a  Rebellion  and  Mischief  amongst  his 
Majesty  of  Great  Britains  Subjects.  And  that  those 
Indians  have  Submitted  witness  the  many  Treatys 
they  have  Entered  into  as  that  of  1693  :  1713  :  1717 
And  many  others.  And  to  Evince  this  Article  of 
their  being  under  the  Government  of  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain  the  12  Article  in  the  Peace  Concluded 
at  Utrecht  is  most  plain  the  Boundaries  of  Laccadie 
being  well  known  to  Extend  to  the  English  Domin- 
ions. And  it  is  Expressly  Contrary  for  any  of  the 
ffrench  Kings  Subjects  to  have  to  do  with  any  Lands 
Islands  ffishing  or  other  Matter  in  those  parts.  By 
all  which  it  appears  that  those  Indians  cannot  be 
Subjects  to  his  most  Christian  Majesty  Altho'  Monsr 
Vaudreuill  is  pleased  to  Term  them  so  in  his  Letter 
of  the  29th  Octor  1724.  Neither  can  they  be  any 
otherwise  Allies  or  Friends  to  the  ffrench  than  the 
other  British  Subjects  are  And  altho'  the  Govern- 
ments have  not  yet  Exceeded  their  Limits  in  the 
Pursuit  of  these  Indians  if  they  dont  come  to  their 
right  minds  and  Submission  we  cannot  be  responsi- 
ble for  any  mischiefs  that  may  happen  even  to  the 
ffrench  Kings  Subjects  if  they  Reside  with,  Abett  or 
are  found  Stiring  up  the  Indians  in  their  unjust  pro- 
ceeding. And  we  must  remark  to  his  Lordship  That 
some  of  the  ffrench  Kings  Subjects  have  been  at  the 
head  of  the  Indians  in  their  Acts  of  Hostilety,  Wit- 


Appendix.  39 1 

ness  Monsr  Ralles  Lettr  and  by  the  last  Clause  in 
Monsr  Begons  Letter  to  the  sd  Priest  Ralle. 

Signed  by 
SAMUELL  THAXTER 
WM  DUDLEY. 

Copy     Examined 

$  J  Willard  Secry. 


[Paper  j>/.] 

FRENCH    RECEIPTS  OF  MONEY  FOR   YE    RANSOM    OF 
ENGLISH  PRISONERS  1725. 

PARDENANT  Le  Nore  Royal  de  1'  Isle  de  Montreal 
En  la  Nouvelle  France  Resident  a  Villemarie  sous- 
signe  fut  present  Joseph  Hertel  Escuye  de  present 
en  Cette  Ville  Lequel  a  Reconnu  Et  Confesse  auoir 
Receu  Comptant  Du  Sr  Jean  delalande  Interprette 
Anglois  pour  Le  Roy  ence  payes  La  Somme  de  deux 
Cent  Liures  Monneye  de  ffrance,  que  Luy  a  Ete 
presentement  Comptes  Et  reellement  Deliuree'  par 
La  Sr  Delalande  En  Escus  Blancs  Et  autre  Bonne 
Monnoye,  au  veu  Dud  Nore  et  Tesmoins,  Et  ce  pour 
La  Ran9on  de  Daniel  Goolde  Anglois  de  la  Contree 
de  Maruelet  Enla  Nouuelle  Angleterre  qui  a  Ete 
presentem1  Remis  en  mains  dud  Sr  Dela  lande  par  led 
Sr  Hertel  Droit  &c  quittant  &c  fait  et  passe  Villemarie 
Etude  dud  Nore  Lan  Mil  Sept  Cent  Vingt  Cinq  Le 
Vingt  Neuf  Auril  Auant  Midy  En  presence  des  sus 


392  Appendix. 

Carle  Bonnier  Et  Nicholas  Bourdet  Temoine  qui 
ont  avec  Lesd  Hertel,  delalande  Et  nous  signe  apres 
Lecture  Faite  Sur1  Lordre. 

Jean  de  La  Land         Hertel 

Charles  Bonnier  Nicholas  Bourdet 

DAUID 

Nore  Royal. 

Copy  Examined 

?  J  Willard  Secry. 


PARDENANT  Le  Nore  Royal  De  La  Jurisdiction 
Royalle  de  Montreal  En  la  Nouuelle  france  Rendent 
a  Villemarie  soussignee  fut  present  Sr  Jean  Made- 
laine  dit  La  Loureur  habitant  Demeurant  a  la  par- 
roisse  de  la  pointe  Claire  en  Cette  Isle  de  present  en 
cette  Ville  Lequel  a  Reconnu  Et  Confesse  auour 
Receu  comptant  par  Mains  de  Sr  Jean  de  la  Lande 
Interprette  en  Langue  Anglois  pour  le  Roy  en  ce 
payee  La  Somme  de  Trois  Cent  Liures  de  France, 
La  quelle  Somme  Luy  a  Etc"  presentement  Comptee 
Et  Reellement  deliuree  par  le  d  Sr  Delalande  au 
veu  dud  Nore  Et  Temoines  En-Louis  dor  de  Vingt 
Liures  pices-droit  &c.  quittant  &c.  Et  ce  pour  La 
Rauc.on  de  Nomme 

Anglois  de  Nation  du  Village  de  Lequel 

Anglois  a  Ete  Remis  en  Mains  dud  Sr  Delalande 
auueu  &c.  fait  Et  passe  And  Villemarie  Etude  du 
Nore  Lan  Mil  Sept  Cent  Vingt  Cinq  Le  douzieme 
jour  d'auril  apres  Midy  En  presence  des  Sr  Joseph 
Raimbault  et  Claude  Maurice  Temoins  Demeurant 
Aud  Villemarie  qui  ont  auec  Led  Sr  Delalande  Et 


Appendix.  393 

Nore  Signe,  Led  Madelaine  ayant  Declare  Ne  Le 
Scavoir  dud  Interpelle  apres  Lecture  faite  Suivant 
Lordonnance. 

Jean  De  la  lande 

Raimbaule. 
Claude  Maurice. 

DAUID 

Nore  Royal. 

Copy  Examined  ^  J  Willard  Secy. 

LT    GOVERNOUR    DUMMER     TO     THE      LORDS      COMMIS- 
SIONERS FOR   TRADE  AND   PLANTATIONS. 

Boston  3ist  March  1725. 
MY  LORDS 

Some  few  Months  after  the  Departure  of  His  Ex- 
cellency Governr  Shute  for  Great  Britain  I  did  my 
The  Govr  of  Self  the  Honour  to  Write  to  your  LORD- 
&enlafva£epKne-  SHIPS  giving  you  some  account  of  the 
wa?PTohteSSem  Difficulties  'of  this  Province  with  respect 
trriuemPehs  wittTthe  to  the  Indian  War,  which  has  been  ex- 
fislT whth K hC  cited  by  the  Governour  of  Canada,  who 
jp/sTynsedsubVec^  has  Supplied  the  Salvages  with  all  Stores 
ov°er° tcLnU.ccesses  °f  War,  has  Shelter'd  them  within  His 
Government  from  our  Pursuits  &  has  Reciev'd  them 
in  Triumph  with  the  Scalps  of  His  Majestys  Subjects 
Slain  by  this  Barbarous  Enemy  :  which  Conduct  of 
the  Said  French  Governour  (as  I  Suggested  to  Your 
Lordships  in  my  former  Letter)  Seems  to  Me  to  be 
a  Notorious  Violation  of  the  Treaty  of  UTRECHT 
and  in  Some  Respects  makes  the  War  with  the  In- 
dians more  Difficult  than  if  the  French  were  our  De- 
clared Enemies  ;  For  by  our  Successes  in  the  last 
Eight  Months  We  have  driven  them  from  their  own 

5° 


394  Appendix. 

Settlements  in  our  Neighbourhood  to  the  French 
Territories  from  whence  they  make  their  Incursions 
upon  us,  in  Small  Skulking  Parties  and  after  Mischief 
done  retire  thither  again,  where  I  am  Cautious  of 
Allowing  any  of  our  Companies  to  pursue  them,  till  I 
can  know  his  Majestys  Pleasure  in  this  Respect. 
And  I  must  further  inform  Your  Lordships  That 
Notwithstanding  the  Advantages  we  have  lately  had 
over  the  Enemy  and  the  Distress'd  Circumstances 
TheExpenseof  We  Suppose  they  are  reduced  to,  the  Ex- 

the  War  is  insup-  /  ,1         -ITT  /">  IT 

portable.  pcnse  of  the  War  is  so  Great  and  Insup- 

portable to  this  Province  that  unless  it  shall  please 
God  to  put  a  Speedy  End  to  it,  It  will  Inevitably 
Ruin  Us  ;  Which  I  humbly  offer  to  Your  Lordships 
Consideration  to  make  such  a  Representation  thereof 
to  His  Majesty  as  You  shall  think  Necessary  for  his 
Majestys  Service  and  the  Safety  &  Protection  of 
these  his  Provinces. 

I  should  not  Trouble  Your  Lordships  any  further, 
The  ffrench  but  that  the  French  Governourof  Canada 
compiair^of  la  has  given  me  to  Understand  that  he  shall 
inriFfghtemg ^  3  Address  to  his  Master  on  the  Account  of 
the  Death  of  the  Priest  who  was  killed  by  our  Forces 
happeancecd0t  how il  in  the  Fight  at  Norridgewock  of  which 
please  to  take  the  following  Account. 

In  the  Action  at  Norridgewock  within  this  Prov- 
ince which  was  in  August  last,  our  Forces  destroyed 
a  Great  Number  of  the  Indians  and  broke  up  that 
Settlement  among  whom  was  Sebastian  Ralle  a  Jes- 
uit Missionary  to  that  Tribe  and  the  Great  Incendi- 
ary of  this  War  who  was  Slain  in  Fight  making  actual 
Resistance  to  the  Forces,  at  the  Same  time  Attempt- 
ing to  kill  an  English  Captive  in  his  Hands  and  Re- 
fusing to  give  or  take  Quarter,  To  which  Account  of 
the  Death  of  the  Said  Ralle  Col°  Harman  the  Com- 


Appendix.  395 

mander  of  the  Forces  at  Norridgewock  made  Solemn 
Oath  before  me  in  Council,  As  Appears  to  your 
Lordships  by  the  Minutes  of  Council  Transmitted  to 
you  by  the  Secretary  of  the  province.  This  Jesuit 
had  all  along-  push'd  the  Indians  upon  their  Rebellion 
And  Marching  at  the  head  of  Two  hundred  Armed 
Salvage  through  one  of  the  Frontier  Towns  of  this 
Province  before  the  War  was  Declared  threatned 
Destruction  to  them  if  they  did  not  Speedily  Quit 
the  Said  Town,  of  which  and  more  to  this  purpose 
His  Excellency  Govr  Shute  is  well  knowing;  This 
I  thought  proper  to  hint  to  Your  Lordships  in 
order  to  Obviate  any  Complaints  that  may  be  made 
by  the  French  Governr  whose  Conduct  in  Exciting 
and  Supporting  the  Indians  in  this  War  and  drawing 
down  many  Remote  Tribes  with  whom  We  have  no 
Concern,  to  their  Assistance  (the  Truth  of  which  I 
have  sufficient  Testimonies  to  Support  &  shall  lay 
them  before  your  Lordships  if  it  be  necessary  for 
your  Satisfaction)  Should  rather  have  put  him  upon 
offering  an  Apology  than  a  Complaint.  All  which  I 
humbly  Submit  to  Your  Lordships  And  am 
With  the  Greatest  Respect 
Your  Lordships 

Most  obedient  &  Most  humble 
Servant 

WM.   DUMMER. 

Reed  May  yr  ;th  1725. 
Read  Ditto  13th. 


396  Appendix. 

LlEUTT  GOVR  DUMMER    TO    THE  LORD'S    CoMMISSre  FOR 

TRADE  AND  PLANTATIONS. 

Boston  22d  Aug1  1726. 
My  Lords 

Having  done  myself  the  honour  last  Winter  of  ac- 
quainting Your  Lordships  of  the  Peace  then  made 
with  the  Delegates  of  the  Eastern  Indians  which  was 
to  be  ratify'd  in  the  Spring  following  by  all  the 
Principall  men  of  the  Tribes.  I  am  now  to  acquaint 
You  that  after  some  Delays  Occasioned  partly  by  the 
Severity  of  the  last  Winter,  in  which  it  was  very 
difficult  for  the  Indians  to  pass  &  repass  from  one 
Tribe  to  another  the  ratification  was  accomplished  at 
Falmouth  in  Casco  Bay  the  Sixth  of  August  A  Copy 
whereof  &  of  the  Severall  Conferences  had  thereon 
I  now  Inclose  Your  Lordships.  The  Indians  appear 
to  me  to  be  in  a  very  good  Disposition  at  present  to 
perform  their  Engagements,  &  it  shall  be  my  Care 
while  I  have  the  Honour  to  receive  His  Majestys 
Commands  here  by  all  proper  means  to  Cultivate 
that  Disposition  in  them  &  the  General  Court  of  this 
Province  having  granted  a  Sum  of  money  to  be  Im- 
ployed  in  Trade  with  them  whereby  they  will  be 
Constantly  supply'd  at  Easy  rates  with  Every  thing 
they  need,  I  am  in  hopes  they  may  in  a  short  time 
be  intirely  drawne  from  their  dependance  on  the 
French  &  especially  if  His  Majesty  shall  be  pleased 
of  his  royal  bounty  to  order  a  small  annuall  present 
to  be  made  them  by  the  Governour  of  this  Province 
as  He  has  graciously  done  for  the  Westerne  Indians 
under  the  Direction  of  the  Governour  of  New  York 
which  seems  the  more  Needfull  here  because  the 
Governours  of  Canada  have  practised  it  with  these 


Appendix.  397 

Indians,  which  I   humbly  Submit  to  Your  Lordships 
Consideration. 

There  is  nothing  else  of  any  Consequence  to 
Trouble  Your  Lordships  with  but  what  you  will  have 
in  the  Copys  of  the  Transactions  of  the  Councill  & 
Generall  Assembly.  Your  Lordships  will  receive 
with  this  a  printed  Copy  of  the  Tryal  &  Condemna- 
tion of  diverse  pirates  lately  surprised  and  brought 
into  these  parts,  &  is  ajl  at  present  from  Your  Lord- 
ship's 

Most  Obedient 
&  Most  humble 
Servant 

WM.  DUMMER. 
Reed  Octr  ii  )  1726 
Read  June  8   j  1727. 


REV.  JOSEPH  BAXTER  TO  PERE  SEBASTIAN  RALE. 

(For  translation,  see  p.  145.) 

Reverende  Domine: 

Epistolam  tuam  accepi  in  Qua  dicis,  Mirum  for- 
tasse  mihi  videbitur  quod  has  ad  me  miseris  Literas, 
nunc  sincere  dico  Tibi  quod  si  tibi  placeat  Amicum 
commercium  mecum  habere,  Pergratum  mihi  erit,  et 
Literas  ultro  citroque  Libenter  Transmittamus:  sed 
miror  equidem  quod  Tu  (Qui  ab  aliquibus  hominibus 
existimaris  virum  eximiae  Pietatis  &  Sanctitatis) 
Tanta  Iracundia  scribis,  et  sine  ulla,  provocatione  ac 
sine  ulla  causa  me  accusas  Reumesse  fraudulentiaeet 
asseris  Te  cognoscere,  &  alios  etiam  scire  me  reum 
esse,  &  tamen  non  ostendis  mihi  &  itaque  manifest^ 
patet  quod  non  potes  ostendere  in  quo  sum  dolosus, 


398  Appendix. 

et  nonne  mirandum  est  quod  studes  me  exanimare 
a  Laborando  pro  beneficio  Animarum  Immortal- 
ium.  Quid  si  opus  sit  maxime  Laboriosum,  &  Per- 
difficile,  nonne  operae  pretium  est  Perdifficile,  et  La- 
boriosissimum  opus  perficere  ut  suadeamus  homines  ad 
Christum  effugere,  et  in  via  sanctitatis  ambulare  & 
sic  accipere  vitam  seternam:  Et  Quid  sinon  sunt  inter 
nos  magnificentia  ornatus,  &decoratioTemplorum,  et 
nitor,  splendor,  ac  Pulchritude  vestium  sacerdotalium 
attrahere  silvestres?  neque  fuerunt  haec  in  tempore 
Apostolorum  Attrahere  Istos  Homines  ad  Quosmissi 
fuerunt  Apostoli,  et  Tamen  suaserunt  multos  credere 
in  Christum,  &  vitam  seternam  accipere  et  nunc  plane 
dicitur  Evangelium  vel  verbum  Dei  esse  Dei  Poten- 
tiam  ad  salutem.  Rom:i.i6.  et  Deo  Placet  homines 
salvare  Insipientia  Praedicationis.  i  Cor:  i.  21.  et 
quamvis  hoc  est  opus  perdifficile  perfici  apud  silves- 
tres tamen  Amor  Christi  et  Animarum  nos  compellit. 
Quamvis  non  expectamus  merere  salutem  hoc  opus 
perficiendo:  sed  Postquam  omnia  perfecimus  quae 
perficere  possumus  Inutiles  servi  sumus.  Luc:  17.  10. 
et  totaliter  confidimus  in  mentis  Christi,  tamen  ubi 
est  Amor  Christi,  ibi  est  desiderium  amplificandi  Reg- 
num  Christi,  et  istud  Desiderium  movet  homines  Per- 
difficile &  Laboriosissimum  opus  perficere  in  suadendo 
et  adducendo  homines  in  Regnum  Christi,  et  Itaque 
Argumenta  Tua  Puerilia  &  Ridiculosa  sunt.  Tu  ais 
quod  cupis  respondere  pro  silvestribus:  sed  non  opus 
est  Tibi  istum  Laborem  accipere.  Ego  laborabo,  ut 
opportunitatem  habebo  eos  adducere  in  rectam  viam 
salutis,  et  dare  iis  satisfactionem  in  omnibus.  Si 
ulla  spes  sit  quod  pro  tuo  beneficio  erit,  qui  debes 
credere  &  agere,  et  ambulare  secundum  verbum  Dei 
Quod  Perfecta  est  Regula  Doctrinee  &  morum,  Liben- 
ter  Respondebo  Tuis  Argumentis:  sed  Tuus  nuncius 


Appendix.  399 

dicit  quod  eras  festinabit  ad  te  et  Itaque  nunc  oppor- 
tunitatem  non  habeo  Respondere  ad  tuam  Prolixam 
Epistolam,  valeto  Domine. 

Reverendo  Domino, 
Sebastiano  Rale  in  oppido  Nanrantsouak  Dicto. 


REV.  JOSEPH   BAXTER  TO  PERE  SEBASTIAN  RALE. 

(For  translation  see  p.  147.) 

Reverende  Domine  : 

Delectaris  Procul  dubio  Reprehendendo  Ideoque 
ea  culpas  Quae  non  sunt  Reprehensione  digna  et  in 
culpando  Tuipse  crimina  admittis.  Dicis  enim  mini 
Tu  Anglict  Loqueris  utendo  verbis  Latinis.  In  his 
verbis  Domine  Tibi  ipsi  contradicis  si  Quis  enim 
verbis  Latinis  utitur,  Quamvis  non  Rhetorice  tamen 
Latine  &  non  Anglic^  Loquitur.  Quisquis  Anglic^ 
Loquitur  verbis  Anglicanis  utitur.  Quid  si  sincer& 
sonat  Anglice  est  vere  Latinum. 

Dicis  Amicum  est  substantium  nee  potest  esse 
Adjectivum  sed  non  Recte  dicis  certissime  datur  Tale 
Adjectivum  Apud  Latinos.  Amicus  Animus  est 
Latina  Locutio  &  vale  Lumen  Amicum  &  Humor 
Pratis  Amicus  &c. 

Ais  Commercium  in  Hoc  est  Barbarum  Quid,  sed 
Quis  Tuae  Dictioni  credet  absque  Probatione.  Ipse 
dixit  non  valet. 

De  multis  Aliis  etiam  dicis  non  sunt  Latina  sed 
Barbara.  At  non  valet  Authoritas  Tua  certissime 
Talia  verba  saepe  Inter  Latinos  Adhibentur. 

Dicis  merere  est  sollescismus.  Ittud  verbum  est 
Dcponens,  non  Activum  scribe  merer i.  Sed  Aiunt 
Docti  Datur  mereo  merere  aeque  ac  mereor  mereri. 


400  Appendix. 

Merere  culpam  in  infinitive  est  Latina  Locutio,  et 
merere  salutem,  &c. 

Dicis  mola  est  Lapis  non  adificium :  sed  docti  aiunt 
Mola  est  aedificium  Lapis  Qui  ponitur  in  mola,  Lapis 
Molaris  est. 

Dicis  Domus  Habet  in  Accusative  Plurali  Domos 
non  Domus,  sed  Quare  non  habet  Domos  &  Domus. 

Multa  Alia  etiam  reprehendis  Quae  non  sunt 
vituperanda,  et  si  Te  Imitarer  Possem  dicere  Tu 
minister  !  Tu  e  societate  lesus  et  Haec  non  Intelli- 
gis.  Dicis  verba  mea  non  sunt  Intelligibilia.  Quare 
non  intelligis  verba  quae  saepe  Apud  Latinos  adhi- 
bentur:  sed  exemplum  Christi  lesu  sequi  malo,  Qui 
Convitiis  Affectus  non  vicissim  convitiabatur  ;  Ouum 
malis  Afficeretur,  non  minabatur  &c.,  i  Pet.  2.23. 
Et  Isti  Monitioni  vel  Mandate  Auscultabo  in  Prov. 
26.4  Ne  Responde  stulto  secundum  stultitiam  ejus 
ne  adsequeris  ei  Tu  quoque. 

Manifeste  patet  Te  Reprehendere  multa  Quae  non 
sunt  culpanda  Tamen  concede  errata  sunt  in  scrip- 
tione  mea  Quam  Prsepropere  scribebam,  viz.:  existi- 
maris  virum  pro  vir,  &  movent  pro  movet  &c. 

Et  in  Tuis  scriptionibus  equidem  multa  sunt  errata 
(Quamvis  fuisti  (ut  inquis)  Professor  Rhetoricse  & 
Linguse  Grsecae  in  urbe  nemansensi).  Ego  nunquam 
fui  Professor  Rhetoricae  et  Tamen  errata  video. 
Quot  errata  turn  Posset  cfiticus  &  vir  Perdoctus  re- 
perire  in  Epistolis  tuis.  Immo  in  epistola  Quam 
Gloriosissime  scribebas  Falsissime  me  Accusabas 
dicendo  Tu  Te  lactitas  Apud  Silvestres  Te  apprime 
scire  Linguam  Latinam  nunquam  enim  lactavi  Inter 
silvestres  non  unum  verbum  Locutus  cum  silvestri- 
bus  de  Lingua  Latina  sed  Tu  maxime  lactabas  in 
secunda  Epistola  &  Tamen  in  ea  scribebas  intelligit 
&  Accurate  scribit  Latina.  In  hac  Dictione 


Appendix.  401 

Quidem  Tu  non  accurate  scribis  Latine  Nam  accusa- 
tivus  casus  sequitur  verbum  scribit.  Scripsisse  Te 
oportuit  accurate  scribit  Linguam  Latinam,  vel  ac- 
curate scribit  Latine. 

Tu  etiam  scribebas  ut  emendatur  in  scolis  Scolus  est 
mons  in  Boeotia  et  oppidum  in  Macedonia  scribere 
debebas  in  scholis. 

Scribebas  etiam  substantium  &  Adjectium.  At 
non  dantur  Talia  verba  Latina.  Scripsisse  debuisti 
substantivum  &  Adjectivum. 

Scribebas  nee  fide  liter  citas  Locum  Pauli  dicit  Paul 
virtus  enim  Dei  est  in  salutem  omni  credendi.  Si  Te 
imitarer  Possem  dicere  Quid  vis  Per  Haec  verba 
omni  credendi  f  Quid  significant?  non  intelligibilia 
sunt  scripseris  Potentia  siquidem  est  Dei  ad  salutem 
cuivis  credenti. 

Scribebas  merere  est  sollescismus.  Quid  intendis 
Per  hoc  verbum  ?  non  datur  Tale  verbum  inter  Doc- 
tos.  Illi  scribunt  solcecismus.  Tuus  sollescismus  est 
vere  solcecismus. 

De  multis  aliis  Loqui  Possem  &  exclamare  Tua 
verba  Barbara  sunt  &  non  intelligibilia  &c.  sed 
Quid  valent  Tales  exclamationes  ?  Te  non  imitabor 
video  Te  Iracundia  commoveri  &  Te  Irritare  nolim, 
sed  in  verbis  Apostoli  Hortor,  Eph:  4.  26-27  sol  ne 
occidat  super  Exacerbatione  tua  neque  Dato  Locum 
Diabolo,  &  in  ver.  31  omnis  Amaritudo  &  Excandes- 
centia  &  Ira  &  Clamor  &  Maledicentia  Tollatur  a  Te 
cum  omni  malitia.  Quia  scriptum  est  in  Tit.  i.  7. 
Oportet  enim  Episcopum  Inculpatum  esse  tanquam 
Dei  Dispensatorem  non  sibi  pertinaciter  Placentem 
non  Iracundum  &c.  et  scribitur  in  Eccles.  7.  9.  ne 
perturbate  spiritu  tuo  Indigneris  nam  Indignatio  in 
sinu  stolidorum  conquiescit. 
51 


4O2  Appendix. 

Dicis  Rectene  deducitur  Haec  consequentia  Tua  ? 
non  indicavi  Tibi  ergo  non  possum  indicare  in  Quo 
Dolosus  sis.  Respondeo. 

Immo  Recte"  deducitur  haec  consequentia  &  hoc 
modo  probatur.  Si  Id  ostendere  poteras  certissime 
Indicaveris  Quia  maxime  mihi  irascebaris  &  valde 
optabas  ostendere  me  in  crimine  fuisse. 

Hoc  Tibi  sumpsisti,  viz:  Indicare  me  Dolosum  esse 
hoc  modo.  imo  Inquis  manifeste  Probavi  &  Luce  cla~ 
rius  ostendi  vos  non  habere  nee  sequinormam  Religionis 
&  nullus  inter  vos  potest probe  Respondere  Argumen- 
tis  hoc  Procantibus  ergo  intendens  diver sam  Jidei  Reg- 
ulam  suadere  silvestribus,  Tu  Infidus  Reus  fieres 
Animarum  eorum  et  hoc  intendis  ut  Profundius  im- 
mergaris  in  or  cum.  Respondeo. 

Hoc  non  probasti  nee- potest  ullusvestrum  probare. 
Quoties  Responderunt  Reformatse  Religionis  Profes- 
sores  ad  omnia  vestra  Argumenta  et  indicarunt  ea 
vacua  esse.  Et  non  Infidus  eram  Quia  omnia  mea 
Documenta  consentanea  fuerunt  sacris  scripturis 
Quae  nil  decent  nisi  Rectum  nisi  verum. 

2°  Dicunt  silvestres  summopere  optat  Anglus 
docere  ut  possit  natos  nostros  Liter  as  &  Prcetextu 
Literarum  sensim  sine  sensu  Ipsis  suadere  ut  suam 
quam  vocat  Religionem,  aliquando  omnes  facti  viri 
Anglicam  amplectentur  jidem  &  sic  fide  &  amicitid 
conjunct^  nuilum  amplius  Inter  eos  exoriatur  Bellum, 
&c.,  si  ita  dicunt  silvestres  Primo  (ut  opinor)  Haec 
iis  dictabas.  Nunquam  Audivi  silvestres  Hoc  modo 
loqui  At  Aliter  Locuti  sunt  nonnulli  eorum  sed 
Quisquis  ita  dicit  Tantum  Id  supponit  et  suppositio 
vel  Imaginatio  Absurda  non  probat  Rem. 

Dicis  Intelligo  Te  nescire  argumentari  in  formd. 
Sed  quomodo  Hoc  intelligis  ?  Postea  dicis  Respon- 
siones  vestra  ad  Argumenta  Theologica  sunt  circum- 


Appendix.  403 

locutiones  &c.  Sed  Quomodo  hoc  cognoscis  ?  nun- 
quam  vidisti  (ut  opinor)  meas  Responsiones  ad  ulla 
Argumenta  Theologica  non  respondebam  talibus 
Argumentis  in  Epistola  Quam  ad  Te  misi  et  Quia 
non  respondebam  Haec  consequentia  deducere 
videris,  viz :  non  possum  respondere  alicui  Argu- 
mento  in  forma.  At  non  Recte  deducitur  Haec  con- 
sequentia. 

Argumenta  de  Quibus  Locutus  sum  in  Praeludio 
Prolixae  Epistolae  continentur  ubi  dicitur  Quinqua- 
ginta  ab  hinc  Annis  iverant  nonnuli  ex  silvestribus 
Emptionis  causa  in  urbem  Quebec  cum  autem  vidissent 
Temp  la  eorumque  ornatus  nee  non  sacer  dotes  sacerdo- 
talibus  indutos  sacra  facientes  turn  alias  magnifice  in- 
dutos  ipsis  ministrantes  turn  ceremonias  ab  Illis  actos 
&c.  His  ita  moti  sunt  ut  in  admirationem  raperen- 
tur  &c.  Apud  vos  autem  non  moverentur  silvestres 
Templorum  magnificentia  ornatu  aut  decoratione,  &c. 

Haec  non  sunt  Argumenta  Theologica,  Tantum 
Argumenta  ad  homines.  Et  Profecto  ea  de  Quibus 
Loqueris  Pueris  Placita  sunt  Potius  quam  viris. 
Et  in  Istis  verbis  non  argumentaris  in  forma. 

Magnopere  gloriaris  dicendo  In  decursu  autem 
Epistola  multa  sunt  Argumenta  spinosa,  Pungentia 
&c.  Dico,  &  sustineo  Te  neque  ullum  vestrum  posse 
ea  solvere.  Sed  nonne  scriptum  est  in  Prov.  27.2 
Laudet  Te  os  extranei  non  autem  Os  Tuum,  Alieni 
non  autem  Labia  Tua  &  in  i  Reg  :  20.11  ne  Jactet 
se  qui  accingit  se  ut  Qui  discingit.  Multi  sunt 
nostrum  Qui  respondere  possunt  Tuis  Argumentis 
in  forma  &  indicare  ea  inania  &  vacua  esse.  Sed 
intelligo  Te  repletum  esse  Iracundia.  Quarnvis  dicis 
Te  iracunde  Loqui  non  Reperiam  Tamen  Te  Ira- 
cunde  Loqui  &  Excandescentia  scribere  reperi  non 
tantum  in  Epistolis  Quas  mini  misisti :  sed  etiam  in 


404  Appendix. 

Epistola  Quam  ad  Gubernatorem  nostrum  scripsisti 
&  dicitur  in  Prov:  22.24  ne  colas  Amicitiam  cum 
Iracundo  &  in  Prov:  29.20  vidisti  virum  Praecipitem 
verbis  suis  Expectatio  est  de  stolido  melior  quam  de 
Illo.  Cum  omnis  Amaritudo  &  Excandescentia  & 
Ira  a  Te  sublata  fuerit  &  cum  Lenitate  receperis 
Insitum  Sermonem  Qui  possit  servare  Animas  ad 
Tua  Argumenta  Respondebo. 

Vale  Domine 

Tuns  sum 

J.  Baxter. 


INDEX. 


Abagadasset  Point,  318. 

Abagahamak,  327. 

Abnaki  Language,  studied 
by  Rale,  36. 

Abnaki  Mission,  Ral6  at, 
36,  37  ;  Rale"  in  charge 
of,  38;  mentioned,  17. 

Abnakis,  the,  zealous  con- 
verts, 141,  142  ;  prefer 
to  trade  at  Quebec,  142  ; 
tie  which  binds  them  to 
the  English,  142-143; 
complained  because 
hostages  were  held  in 
Boston  after  paying  for 
damages  done,  158,  159, 
160;  the  English  re- 
fused to  sell  food  and 
ammunition  to,  160-161; 
Castine  a  commander- 
general  of,  161  ;  killed 
three  ministers,  173; 
mentioned,  111,112,115, 
116,  117,  118,  128,  135, 
164,  165,  1 66,  1 68,  170, 
175,  183,  184,  185,  203, 
300,  307,  328,  334,  335, 
341,  342,  345,  385. 

Abomazen,  285,  322. 

52 


Abraham,  327. 

Acadia,  29,  33,  64,  80,  126, 

J35.   136,  155.  156,  167, 
215,  277,  278,  304,  335, 

373.  387- 
Acadia,  see  Taschereau. 

Acadia,  History  of,  see 
Tibierge. 

Acts,  M  e  m  o  i  r  e  s,  etc., 
Concernant  La  Paix 
d'  Utrecht,  cited,  155. 

Adams,  Rev.  Hugh,  cured 
Rale  of  the  gout  and 
rheumatism,  66,  67,  1 18; 
became  friendly  towards 
the  "  Blackrobe,"  67  ; 
predicted  the  overthrow 
of  Rale,  1 1 8, 1 19,72.;  bio- 
graphical notice  of,  118. 

Albany,  to  be  attacked 
from  Canada,  15,  17;  ex- 
pedition from,  to  Mon- 
treal, 22  ;  mentioned, 
124,  327,  328,  330,  331, 
348,  350,  353,  375,  386. 

Alexander,  Ja.,  356,  357, 

358. 

Algonquins,  the,  97,  108, 
183,  184. 


406 


Index. 


Algonquin  Tongue,  stud- 
ied by  Rale,  38. 

Allen,  Ebenezer,  292. 

Amalingans,  the,  206,  207, 
211,  212,  213,  214. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  held 
a  conference  with  the 
Indiansat  Pemaquid,  13; 
robbed  Castine's  trading 
house,  13-14;  unsuccess- 
ful in  conciliatory  meas- 
ures, 14;  released  In- 
dian prisoners,  14,  19. 

Andros  Tracts,  cited,  14. 

Androscoggin,  Indians 
from,  at  Casco  confer- 
ence, 44. 

Androscoggin  River,  242. 

Anmoukangan     River, 

113- 
Annales  de  la  Propagation 

de  la  foi,  Les,  267. 
Annapolis  Royal,  387. 
Anne  Queen,  366,  372. 
Apparitions,    believed    in 

by  Rale,  89,  90. 
Appleton,  John,  58. 
Appleton,  Samuel,  58. 
Argal,  Samuel,  broke   up 

the   mission   at   St.  Sa- 

veur,  10;  took  Biard  and 

Masse  prisoners,  n. 
Arrows,  198. 
Arrowsic,     Indians     with 

French    leaders  appear 


at  the  conference  at, 
1 10 ;  letter  delivered  at, 
n  i-i  18  ;  Adams  at, 
118;  Indians  failed  to 
come  to  a  conference 
appointed  at,  159;  con- 
ference at,  216;  men- 
tioned, 66, 68, 84, 96, 102, 
128,  129,  279,  305,  307, 
308,  320,  367,  368. 

Ashley,  Capt,  333. 

Atwater,  Mehitabel,  53. 

Aubrey,  Father,  95. 

Avignon,  10. 

Azcoytia,  7. 

Bagaduce,  243. 

Bancroft,  George,  History 

of   the   United    States, 

cited,  44,^54. 
Bane,    Lewis,    Deposition 

of,  279;  mentioned,  281; 

Deposition     of,     cited, 

91. 
Bangor,  formerly  Kendus- 

keag,  10;  mission  to  be 

established  at,  10. 
Baxter,    Rev.    Joseph,    at 

Arrowsic  conference,  69, 

71,    80 ;     a    missionary 

among  the  Indians,  71  ; 

letter  from  Rale  to,  77, 

85  ;  replied  to  Rale,  85- 

86  ;  a  temporary  visitor 
to  the  Kennebec,  86;  his 


Index. 


407 


knowledge  of  Latin 
compared  with  Rale's, 
87;  a  man  of  a  well- 
trained  min'd,  87; 
preached  at  George- 
town, 89;  reported  that 
Rale  predicted  the 
speedy  end  of  the  world, 
89—90;  Rale's  sneer  at, 
103-104;  letters  to  Rale, 
145-147,  H7-I53.  397. 
399;  mentioned,  218; 
biographical  notice  of, 
71;  Journal  of,  cited,  80, 
89,  90. 

Bayberry,  wax  obtained 
from  the,  137,  138. 

Bayeux,  31. 

Bean,  Joseph,   282,  292. 

Bear,  Indian  legend  con- 
cerning the,  190. 

Beaudoin,  Michael,  king 
displeased  with,  33; 
praised,  34. 

Becancourians,  the,  253. 

Becancourt,  109,  in. 

Begon,  Michel,  instructed 
by  the  king  to  prevent 
traffic  between  the  Eng- 
lish and  Indians,  93; 
letter  to  Rale,  294-297; 
mentioned,  65,  1 10,  121, 
162,  275,  304,  369,  390; 
letter  of,  cited,  95,  105, 
107,  113,  151. 


Belcher,  Andrew,    58,  69. 

Belknap,  Jeremy,  History 
of  New  Hampshire, 
cited,  1 8. 

Bell  Isle,  307. 

Bellamont,  Richard  Coote, 
Earl  of,  42,  57,  366. 

Berwick,  317. 

Besancour,  295,  297. 

Biard,  Pierre,  first  of  the 
Jesuits  to  visit  this  con- 
tinent, 10-11;  taken 
prisoner  by  Argal,  11; 
mentioned,  12;  biogra- 
phical notice  of,  10. 

Bibles,  Wiwurna  wants 
none  of  the  English,  77. 

Bigot,  Brothers,  the,  in- 
fluenced the  Indians  to 
attack  the  English,  16; 
had  a  mission  on  the 
Chaudiere,  17;  men- 
tioned, 36. 

Bigot,  Pere  James,  his 
mission  joined  in  the  de- 
scent upon  York,  25  ; 
conspicuous  in  incit- 
ing the  savages  against 
the  English,  28  ;  a  blind 
leader  of  the  blind,  31  ; 
biographical  notice  of, 

17- 

Bigot,  Vincent,  biograph- 
ical notice  of,  i  7. 

11  Blackrobes,"  7. 


408 


Index. 


Bled  de  Turquie,  141,  180. 

Board  of  Trade  Papers, 
cited,  107. 

Bollan,  William,  Import- 
ance and  Advantage  of 
Cape  Breton,  cited,  155. 

Bomazeen,  at  Casco,  con- 
ference, 44  ;  reported 
that  the  French  were 
trying  to  break  the 
friendly  relations  be- 
tween the  Indians  and 
English,  46;  killed,  238, 
262  ;  mentioned,  68. 

Bonnaventure,    Sieur   de, 

29\ 
Bonnier,  Carle,  392. 

Boston,  governor  and 
garrison  of  Port  Royal 
brought  to,  22;  ex- 
pedition to  Quebec 
sailed  from,  22 ;  plan 
formulated  to  capture, 
40;  Indian  parties 
about,  41  ;  envoy  sent 
to,  to  declare  peace,  54, 
56  ;  resolution  to  bring 
Rale  a  prisoner  to,  92  ; 
English  families  to  be 
sent  to  Panaowamske 
from,  94;  Rale's  letter 
read  by  the  magistrates 
of,  104;  Indians  held 
as  hostages  in,  no,  n., 
112,  ».,  113,  ».,  156, 


157,*.,  158, 160,319,  375, 
376,  377  ;  Indians  that 
killed  cattle  retained  at, 
1 1 7-118;  indignation  at, 
concerning  the  Indians 
threatening  letter,  119; 
Castine  a  prisoner  at, 
119,  165-166;  Rale's 
scalp  exhibited  in,  273  ; 
Indian  captive  died  in, 
321  ;  mentioned,  55, 
105,  116,  153,  222,  256, 
263,  278,  331,  332,  333, 
349,^378,  379,  381,  382. 

Boudoin,  Pere  Michael, 
refused  absolution  to 
murderers,  32,  ^33,  n.  ; 
founded  a  mission 
among  the  Choctaws,  33. 

Boundaries,  undeter- 
mined,  44. 

Boundary  between  the 
English  and  French 
possessions,  371,  372, 

373,  374,  387- 
Bourbourg,    Brasseur   de, 

Histoire  du  Canada, 
267. 

Bourdet,  Nicholas,  392. 

Bradstreet,  Gov.  Simon, 
22. 

Braintree,  118. 

Brandy,  trade  of,  in  Can- 
ada, IOI-I02. 

Brantry,  71,  72. 


Index. 


409 


Brasaway,  321. 
Brookfield,  317. 
Brown's  Farm,  319. 
Brunswick,    90,   101,    128, 

129. 
Brunswick    Historical 

Magazine,  cited,  244. 
Burnett,    Gov.     William, 

347.  355.  356. 

Busenbaum,  Hern,  copy  of 
his  Medulla  Theologae 
Moralis  owned  by  Rale, 
246;  described,  247;  ex- 
tracts from,  247-250. 

Byfield,  Nathaniel,  341. 

Cabins  of  Indians,  175- 
176. 

Cahnawagaw,  327. 

Canada,  Masse  returned 
to,  1 1 ;  an  attack  plan 
ned  to  invade  the  Eng- 
lish colonies  from,  15, 
17;  government  in  a 
disorganized  condition, 
1 6;  expedition  of  1690 
against,  unsuccessful^; 
prisoners  from  York 
taken  to,  27;  did  not 
know  in  1712  that  peace 
had  been  concluded,  55; 
Indians  at  peace  with 
the  English  could  not 
live  in,  96,  97;  brandy 
trade  in,  101-102;  In- 


dians of,  to  be  sent  to 
the  proposed  confer- 
ence with  the  English, 
109;  Rale  fled  to,  127; 
mentioned,  115,  116, 
132,  134,  223,  237,  245, 

^319,  320. 

Canada,  L' Heroine  Chre- 
tienne  du,  see  Faillon, 
E.  M. 

Canada  River,  136. 

Canibas,  the,  24,  29. 

Cape  Cod,  1 18. 

Cape  Cod,  History  of,  see 
Freeman  Frederick. 

Capon,  Mr.,  343,  372. 

Capt.  Job,  323. 

Capt.  John,  318,  322. 

Capt.  Joseph,  282,  287. 

Capt.  Nathaniel,  318,  330, 

„  333- 

Carp,    Indian    legend    of 

the,  189. 

Casco,  people  encouraged 
to  settle  by  the  treaty 
at,  13;  conference  ap- 
pointed at,  44;  confer- 
ence held  at,  45-46; 
Rale  present  at,  47; 
Rale's  account  of,  47- 
48;  attacked  by  French 
and  Indians,  1703,  50; 
Rolfeat,  53-54;  savages 
went  to,  to  sue  for  peace, 
63;  mentioned,  58,  285. 


Index. 


Casco  Bay,  59,  60,  247, 
283,  287,  291,  365,  396. 

Castine,  Jean  Vincent, 
Baron  de,  Andros  rob- 
bed his  trading  house, 
13-14;  his  enmity 
aroused,  14;  joined  Port- 
neuf,  19;  friend  of 
Thury,  31;  to  be  a 
leader  in  capturing  Bos- 
ton, 1697,  40;  went  with 
the  Indians  to  Arrow- 
sic,  no;  considered  a 
conspirator  with  Rale, 
119. 

Castine,  Anselm  de,  con- 
sidered a  conspirator 
with  Rale,  119;  arrested 
and  taken  to  Boston, 
119,  127,  161,  163-165; 
treated  with  considera- 
tion, 119-120;  his 
mother  an  Abnaki,  161, 
1 66;  at  an  Indian  con- 
ference, 161;  comman- 
der-general of  the  Ab- 
nakis,  161,  166  ;  exam- 
ined and  liberated,  166. 

Castine,  Anselm  de,  men- 

^  tioned,  308,  383,  385. 

Cerfeuil,  186. 

Chalmers'  Papers,  cited,  2  2. 

Chambly,  350,  375. 

Champigny,  Jean  Bochart 
de,  Memoire  du  Roi  a 


cited,  23 ;  letter  of, 
cited,  28. 

Champlain,  Sieur  Samuel 
de, Voyages  of,  cited,  1 1. 

Chandler,  Col.,  348. 

Charlevoix,  Rev.  P.  F.  X. 
de,  falsely  depicted  the 
affair  at  Norridgewock, 
3-4 ;  an  inspector  to 
make  memoirs,  3, 4 ; 
probably  received  his 
story  from  an  Indian,  5; 
report  of,  concerning 
Rale",  95;  untrustworthy 
as  a  historian,  130,  162, 
165,  167,  168,  250,  259, 
266 ;  account  of  a  con- 
ference between  Vau- 
dreuil  and  the  Indians, 
164,  165  ;  came  to  in- 
spect the  country,  304  ; 
mentioned,  42;  Histoire 
Generale  de  la  Nouvelle 
France,  cited,  18  ;  Me- 
moire sur  les  limites  de 
1'Acadia,  cited,  95. 

Charnizay,  D'Aulnay,  277. 

Chase,  George  Wingate, 
History  of  Haverhill, 
cited,  54. 

Chasse,  Rev.  Peter  de  la, 
sentiment  of  65,  65,  n.; 
interested  in  the  threat- 
ening letter  of  the  In- 
dians, 1721,  108. 


Index. 


411 


Chasse,  Rev.  Peter  de  la, 
sent  to  Norridgewock, 
109;  gathered  Indian 
recruits  and  went  to 
Arrowsic,  109-110; 
wrote  a  letter  in  three 
languages  for  the  In- 
dians, 1 60;  as  a  histo- 
rian, 250,259,  261,  262, 
267 ;  Rale's  unfinished 
letter  to,  251  ;  the  sin- 
gle original  French  ac- 
count of  the  attack  on 
Norridgewock,  the  basis 
of  many  other  accounts, 
267;  mentioned,  in, 
113,  159,  161,  164,  165, 
245,  271,  272,  295,  296, 

30 J;  337>  35 !  ;  Lettres 
Edifiantes  etCurieuses, 
par  quelques  Mission- 
aires  de  la  Compaignie 
de  Jesus,  cited,  4-5,  38, 
66,  174,  259. 

Chaudiere  River,  mission 
on  the,  1 7. 

Chaumont,  Pere,  183. 

Chebeague,  69. 

Chebuctou,  32. 

Chierdau,  Capt.,  378. 

Choctaws,  the,  33. 

Christian,  a  Mohawk,  set 
Norridgewock  on  fire, 

245- 


Christianizing,  doubtful  if 
there  was  much  genu- 
ineness in  that  of  the 
savages,  88. 

Clark,  Lieut.  Thaddeus, 
killed,  19. 

Clergyman  acting  as  a 
physician,  66,  67. 

Coddington,  Col.  William, 

364- 

Coffin,  Peter,  58. 
Colden,  Dr.,  356,  357. 
Collection  of  Manuscripts, 

cited,  115,  165,  265. 
Conference   at    Arrowsic, 

see  Treaty  at  Arrowsic. 
Connecticut,  340,  347,  354, 

359; 

Corwin,  Jonathan,  57. 

Costebelle,  56. 

Coton,  Father,  10. 

Council  Records,  cited, 
1 68. 

Coureurs  de  dots,  Les,  24. 

Courtemanche,  Sieur  de, 
leader  of  the  war  party 
into  Maine,  18. 

Cousin's  Island,  69. 

Cranston,  Gov.  Samuel, 
letter  to,  339 ;  men- 
tioned, 276,  355. 

Creation  of  the  earth,  In- 
dians' account  of  the, 
187,  188,  189,  190. 


412 


Index. 


Cremation  among  the  In- 
dians, 187-189,  190. 

Croisel,  Mons.,  went  with 
the  Indians  to  Arrowsic, 
no;  mentioned,  295, 

„  297.  307- 
Currebooset,  291. 

Gushing,  Mr.,  348. 

Damaras-Cove,  309. 
D'Aulnay,  Charles  D.  M., 

Lord,  275,  277,  373. 
David,  392,  393. 
Davis,     Capt.     Sylvanus, 

surrendered  Fort  Loyal, 

19;      Declaration     of, 

cited,  20. 

De  Croisel,  see  Croisel. 
De   Laune,    Mons.,    376, 

378,  382. 
De     Monts,     Pierre     du 

Guast,  155. 
De  Pourtrincourt,  10. 
De  la  Chasse,  see  Chasse 

de  la. 

Deautell,  325,  326,  328. 
Deerfield,  317. 
Delalande,  Jean,  391,  392, 

393- 
Denonville,  Jacques,  Ren6 

de  Brisay,  Marquis  de, 
government  at  Quebec 
under  him  in  a  disorgan- 
ized condition,  16;  said 
the  English  considered 


the  French  missionaries 
as  their  enemies,  21, 
21,  n.;  friend  of  the 
Jesuits,  35;  desired  more 
men  for  the  mission  of 
St.  Francis,  35  ;  men- 
tioned, 1 6. 

Deramsey,  Gov.,  325,  333. 

Dickeson,  369. 

Doane,  John,  377. 

Documentary  History  of 
Maine,  cited,  15. 

Documentary  History  of 
New  York,  see  O'Calla- 
ghan,  E.  B. 

Dover,  118. 

Dracut,  317. 

Dudley,  Gov.  Joseph, 
sought  friendly  relations 
with  the  Indians,  44; 
held  conference  at 
Casco,  45,  365;  conver- 
sed with  Rale,  47;  en- 
tered upon  the  war  with 
zeal,  52;  desired  the 
French  governors  to 
stop  the  Indians  from 
scalping,  53;  letter  from 
Capt.  Moody  to,  55; 
treaty  with  Indians  at 
Portsmouth,  57-58;  suc- 
ceeded by  Shute,  68; 
mentioned,  285,  365, 
366,  367;  letter  of,  cited, 
52,  53- 


Index, 


4'3 


Dudley,  William,  58,  100, 
353.  3?o,  374.  375> 


Dummer,  Rev.  Shubael, 
killed,  26,  267,  270; 
Mather's  lines  on,  27; 
biographical  notice  of, 
26,  267. 

Dummer,  Mrs.  Shubael, 
followed  her  child  into 
the  Indian  camp,  27, 
267. 

Dummer,  Gov.  William, 
letters  of,  to  Vaudreuil, 
267,  268-270,  337,  370; 
letter  from  Vaudreuil  to, 
341;  letter  of,  to  Gov. 
Wentworth,  354;  letter 
of,  to  Gov.  Cranston, 
355;  letter  of,  to  Gov. 
Burnett,  355;  letter  of, 
to  Gov.  Talcot,  359; 
letter  from  Gov.  Talcot 
to,  361;  letters  of,  to  the 
Lords  Commissioners, 
393,  396;  mentioned, 
264,  267,  281,  350,  356, 
357;  Papers  of,  cited,  i. 

Dunstable,  369. 

Dupy,  Father,  257. 

Dyer,  John,  311. 

Eaton,  Moses,  tortured  by 

Indians,  128-129. 
Edgar,  Henry,  318. 

53  ' 


Eliot,  Benjamin,  84. 

Eliot,  John,  71. 

Elizee,  Pere,  taught  the 
gospel  of  peace,  not 
war,  33,  n.;  his  charac- 
ter, 34. 

Elliot,  Robert,  58. 

"  End  justifies  the  means, 
the,"  250. 

English,  the,  adopt  the 
false  story  of  Charle- 
voix,  5;  not  the  aggres- 
sors, 6;  hated  every- 
thing French,  12;  the 
Jesuits  encouraged  the 
Indians  to  repel,  12-13; 
considered  rebels  by 
the  French,  14,  35,  38- 
39;  plot  to  exterminate, 
14-16,  17-18;  the  Jesu- 
its instigate  the  Indians 
against,  1689,  16-17, 
27-28,  31;  atrocities  in- 
flicted upon  them  by 
the  Indians,  18;  the  war 
against,  became  a  re- 
ligious crusade,  19-20; 
considered  the  French 
missionaries  their  ene- 
mies, 21 ;  not  to  be 
easily  rooted  out  of 
American  soil,  22;  Nor- 
ridgewock  imperilled 
the  existence  of,  23; 
Frontenac  ordered  to 


414 


Index. 


persist  in  the  warfare 
against,  23-24;  Indians 
to  be  prevented  from 
being  at  peace  with,  26, 
29-30;  given  no  quarter 
by  the  Indians,  41;  tor- 
tured by  Indians,  41; 
character  of  the  war 
waged  against,  1697, 
41-42;  French  opposed 
friendly  relations  be- 
tween the  Indians  and, 
42,  46;  the  enemy  care- 
fully studied  the  defen- 
ces of  the  towns  of,  42- 
43;  irritated  by  the 
meddling  of  the  French, 
43;  Rale's  deceitful  talk 
concerning  the  war  with, 
47;  Indians  desired 
them  to  feel  secure,  48; 
attempted  treachery  of 
the  Indians  toward,  48- 
49;  accused  of  tricks 
and  artifice.  51-52;  In- 
dians confirm  the  rights 
of,  57;  to  return  to  their 
ruined  village,  60,  63, 
64;  the  French  contin- 
ued to  plot  and  excite 
the  Indians  against,  64, 
65;  a  war  with,  is  favor- 
able to  the  French,  65, 
66,  n.;  Rale  could  have, 
but  would  not  have 


their  friendly  feeling, 
66;  gave  Rale  medical 
aid,  66,  67;  prevented 
from  settling  on  the 
Kennebec,  67-68;  not 
to  be  disturbed  by  In- 
dians, 74,  77-78;  de- 
clared to  be  trespassers, 
75-76;  the  Indians 
thankful  they  settle  on 
their  lands,  but  want  no 
more,  76;  confirmed  by 
the  Indians  to  the  lands 
they  held,  81;  Rale  dis- 
pleased because  they 
had  established  a  mis- 
sionary at  Arrowsic,  84- 
85;  harassed  by  the  In- 
dian outbreaks,  90;  the 
Indians  desired  to  be 
friendly  with,  90,  91; 
Rale  continually  urged 
the  Indians  to  attack, 
91,  92,  n.}  94;  animosities 
of,  awakened,  92;  res- 
olution to  send  men  to 
Norridgewock  aban- 
doned, 92,  103;  Indians 
dreaded  war  with,  92; 
Vaudreuil  urged  Rale 
to  prevent  their  settle- 
ment, 92;  Indians  hin- 
dered in  the  traffic  with, 
93;  had  as  much  right  as 
the  French  to  settle 


Index. 


their  frontiers,  94;  set- 
tlers to  be  sent  to  River 
St.  John,  94;  build  the 
church  at  Norridge- 
wock,  95;  the  indigna- 
tion of,  aroused  by 
Rale's  letter  to  Moody, 
96-97;  tell  the  Indians 
false  news,  98;  their  in- 
terpreter speaks  only 
gibberish,  99,  101;  their 
manner  of  purchasing 
lands,  99-100;  the  In- 
dians will  force  them  to 
quit  their  lands,  100; 
Ketermogus  a  friend  of, 
i or;  Rale  said  there  is 
no  justice  among,  102; 
accused  of  causing  the 
war,  103;  Rale"  on  their 
treatment  of  the  In- 
dians, 104;  the  source 
of  their  peril  revealed 
to  them,  104;  the  In- 
dians appeared  deter- 
mined to  intimidate, 
105;  Indians  reluctant 
to  have  another  war 
with,  105-107;  the 
French  exaggerated  the 
acts  of,  1 06;  Indians 
protest  against  the  set- 
tlement on  the  Kenne- 
bec,  1721,  108;  Indian 
conference  to  be  held 


with,  108,  124;  cattle  of, 
killed  by  Indians,  ui, 
n.,  163;  believed  Rale 
and  the  Castines  to  be 
conspirators  against, 
119;  sent  Westbrook  to 
apprehend  Rale,  120; 
astounded  by  Vau- 
dreuil's  duplicity,  123; 
their  houses  plundered 
and  burned,  1722,  128, 
170;  Rale's  prejudice 
against,  130;  their  bor- 
ders scenes  of  desola- 
tion and  cruelty,  131, 
132;  Rale  desired  to 
excite  the  rage  of,  132, 
133;  determined  to  drive 
Rale  from  the  Kenne- 
bec  or  capture  him,  134, 
167,  1 68;  not  preferred 
by  the  Abnakis,  142; 
machinations  of,  to  se- 
cure the  Indians,  142- 
143,  153-154.  221;  Aca- 
dia  conveyed  to,  155; 
the  Indians  no  match 
for,  in  a  fair  fight,  158; 
held  Indians  as  host- 
ages till  payment  was 
received  for  depreda- 
tions, 158-159;  refused 
to  sell  ammunition  and 
food  to  the  Indians, 
160-161;  seized  Castine, 


416 


Index. 


161,162-163;  Rale's  rea- 
son for  their  hatred  to- 
ward him,  165-166;  not 
to  be  permitted  on  the 
Kennebec,  163;  killed 
one  of  Raid's  captains, 
206;  tried  to  draw  the 
trade  of  the  savages, 
215,  217;  villages  of,  de- 
vastated, 220;  offer  a  re- 
ward for  killing  Ral4, 
221 ;  to  rebuild  the 
church  for  the  Indians, 
224,  225 ;  Mohawks 
friendly  to,  237 ;  expedi- 
tion of  1724  against 
Norridgewock,  237-238; 
coolness  of,  at  Nor- 
ridgewock, 240;  their 
duty  to  destroy  the 
source  from  which 
spread  ruin,  desolation, 
and  death,  241  ;  their 
destruction  of  the  vil- 
lage of  Norridgewock 
the  work  of  a  few  mo- 
ments, 241  ;  Indians  in- 
duced to  make  slaves  of 
the,  352,  353. 

Envieux,  L',  29. 

Escutcheon  of  Loyola,   7. 

Essex,  278. 

Etat,  Present,  cited,  32. 


Faillon,  Etienne  Michel, 
L'Heroine  Chretienne 
du  Canada,  Villemarie, 
etc.,  cited,  21. 

Falmouth,  Portneuf  and 
his  party  arrived  at,  18- 
19;  attacked,  19,  21; 
mentioned,  69,  247,  291, 

396. 

Fetter  Lane,  i. 
Fisk,  Mary,  72. 
Fisk,  Rev.  Moses,  71,   72. 
Five    Nations,    the,  327, 

328,  331.  353.  386. 

Flynt,  Henry,  67;  Journal 
of,  cited,  68. 

Forsyth,  Alexander,  292. 

Fort  Chambly,  330. 

Fort  Loyal,  Indian  pris- 
oners released  from,  14, 
19;  Indians  act  as 
guides  against,  19;  at- 
tack and  surrender  of, 

,  I9< 
Fort      Richelieu,     Masse 

died  at,  1  1. 
Fort  Richmond,  237,  259, 


Fort  St.  John,  Thury  at, 

41. 

Fort  at  Brunswick,  101. 
Fort  at  New  Casco,  45. 
Fort  at  St.  George,  255. 


Index. 


417 


Fox  Island,  383,  384. 

France,  James  //.,  fled  to, 
14;  mentioned,  288. 

Franche  Comte,  34. 

Freeman,  Frederick,  His- 
tory of  Cape  Cod,  cited, 

^  119. 

French,  the,  no  doubt  of 
their  attempts  to  ruin 
the  English  colonies,  3; 
to  embark  in  vessels 
against  Boston,  40;  after 
the  treaty  of  Ryswick 
opposed  the  friendly  re- 
lations between  the  In- 
dians and  English,  42, 
46 ;  carefully  studied  the 
defenses  of  the  English 
towns,  43;  Indians  to 
stand  by  the,  48 ;  pre- 
pared to  kill  the  Eng- 
lish at  the  Casco  confer- 
ence, 49;  joined  with 
the  Indians  in  a  descent 
upon  the  English,  49- 
50;  gave  premiums  for 
scalps,  52-53;  attacked 
Haverhill,  53;  continued 
to  plot  and  excite  the 
Indians  against  the 
English,  64,  65,  386; 
war  with  the  English 
favorable  to  the,  65,  66, 
n.;  excited  the  Indians 
to  prevent  English  set- 


tlements in  Maine,  93- 
94;  placed  the  acts  of 
the  English  in  the  worst 
possible  light  to  the  In- 
dians, 106;  the  agents 
of,  active  in  making  the 
savages  dissatisfied,  107; 
secretly  supplied  the 
savages  with  arms,  131; 
conveyed  Acadia  to  the 
English,  and  yet  sought 
to  rule  the  Indians  of 
that  country,  155;  the 
Indians  no  match  for,  in 
a  fair  fight,  158;  Indians 
pretend  they  expected 
no  help  from,  171;  In- 
dians firmly  attached  to, 
216,  218;  induced  the 
Indians  to  go  to  war, 
222-223;  condemned 
the  English  because 
their  traders  sold  fire 
water  to  the  Indians, 
265;  ordered  to  assist 
Indians,  280,  295,  298, 
302,  303;  ordered  the 
Indians  to  take  captives, 
319;  mentioned,  i. 

French  Archives,  3. 

French  Wax,  (a  sachem) 

.  378.  f 

Freye,  Thomas,  364. 
"  Friar  Rale"s  railing  Let- 
ter," 96. 


4i8 


Index. 


Frontenac,  Louis  de 
Buade,  Count  de,  be- 
came governor  of  New 
France,  14;  the  diaboli- 
cal plot  committed  to 
his  execution,  15;  sailed 
from  Rochelle,  16,  34; 
reached  Quebec,  16;  or- 
ganized the  plot  intrus- 
ted to  him,  17;  defeated 
Phips,  22-23;  ordered 
by  the  king  to  continue 
the  war,  23;  excited  the 
savages  by  promise  of 
booty,  24;  accompanied 
by  Rale,  34;  letter  from 
Tibierge  to,  41;  men- 
tioned, 29;  Instructions 
to,  cited,  15;  Memoire 
of  the  king  to,  cited,  23. 

Gay,  P&re,  leader  of  the 
Indians,  20;  his  address 
to  incite  the  Indians, 
20,  n. 

George/.,  70,  74,  78, 91, 98, 
280,  308,  315,  326,  338, 

343,  372,  377,  386. 

George's  Fort,  384. 

Georgetown,  Baxter 
preached  at,  89;  Indian 
council  held  at,  106; 
conference  with  Indians 
at,  281,  291;  mentioned, 
279. 


Gerard,   J.    W.,  Peace   of 

Utrecht,  cited,  155. 
Geste,  Sieur  de  la,  336. 
"  Gibralter     of     America, 

the,"  242-243. 
Giles,  Capt.    John,  spoke 

only  gibberish,  99,  101, 

n.;  advised    the  people 

where    to    settle,     100; 

mentioned,    70,    89,  90, 

286. 

Gold,  David,  277. 
Goold,  Daniel,  testimony 

of,  383- 
Goold,  William,  Portland 

in  the  Past,  cited,  56. 
Goolde,  Daniel,  371. 
Great  Britain,  i,  288. 
Great  Lake,  the,  61. 
Green,  B.,  84. 
Gregory  XV.,  Pope,  8. 
Grenoble,  10. 
Groton,  369. 
Guerchville,  Marchioness, 

10. 
Gulf    of     St.     Lawrence, 

300. 

Hamilton,  Alexander, 
Journal  of,  317;  men- 
tioned, 317,  318,  319, 
320,  321,  322,  323,  324, 
325,  326,  327,  328,  329, 

330,  33i,  332,  333,  334- 
Hampshire,  278. 


Index. 


419 


Handsord,    William,    318, 

323,  324,  325,  326. 
Hardwicke    Papers,  cited, 

155- 

Hare,  the  Great,  Indian 
legend  concerning,  187- 
188. 

Harison,  Mr.,  356,  357. 

Harmon,  Col.  Johnson, 
attacked  the  Indians  at 
Pleasant  Point,  128- 
129,  171;  unjustly  criti- 
cised, 130-131  ;  led  the 
unsuccessful  expedition 
of  1723,  173;  head  of  an 
expedition  against  Nor- 
ridgewock,  235-236; 
leader  of  expedition  of 
1724  against  Norridge- 
wock,  237,  242 ;  killed 
two  Indians  and  cap- 
tured a  third,  238  ;  divi- 
ded his  forces,  239; 
joined  Moulton,  245;  re- 
ported the  result  of  the 
expedition  against  Nor- 
ridgewock  at  Boston 
263;  received  a  Lieuten- 
ant Colonel's  commis- 
sion, 263  ;  received  a  re- 
ward of  £100,  264;  men- 
tioned, 242,  243,  247, 
259,  267,  281,  291,  394; 
biographical  notice  of, 

239- 


Harmon,  Mary,  242. 
Harpswell,  242,  244. 
Harris,  Samuel,  testimony 

of,  384. 
Harris,      Dr.      Thaddeus 

Mason,  cited,  244. 
Harvard    College,    22, 

26,  53,    118,    121,    267, 

268. 

Hatfield,  369. 
Haverhill,    attacked,    53; 

Rolfe   killed  at,  53,  «..• 

mentioned,  317. 
Haverhill,  History  of,  see 

Chase,  G.  W. 
Heath,  Joseph,  sent  with 

a  message  to  Norridge- 

wock,  91 ;  letter  of,  cited, 

91. 

Hegen,  Richard,  377. 
Hegon,   John,    282,     286, 

290,  291,  292. 
Hendrick,  332. 
Hertel,  Frangois,  led  the 

war    party     into     New 

Hampshire,    19;  joined 

Portneuf,  19. 
Hertel,  Joseph,  391,  392. 
Higginson,  John,  58. 
Hilton,     Col.,     destroyed 

Norridgewock,  52. 
Histoire    et     Description 

Generale    de    la    Nou- 

velle  France,  165. 
Hobington,  H.,  358. 


420 


Index. 


Hopegood,  at  Casco  con- 
ference, 44. 

Hosanoueskact,  343. 

Hudson  River,  the  line  of 
the  depredations  which 
were  planned  from  Can- 
ada, 15. 

Hunkin,  Mark,  58. 

Hurons,  the,  97,  108,  109, 
in,  1 1 6,  127,  164,  182, 
183,  184,  187,  253,  254, 
257. 

Hutchinson,  Gov. 
Thomas,  carefully  gath- 
ered the  material  for 
his  history,  3;  sustained 
by  the  French  archives, 
3;  gives  a  carefully  com- 
piled account  of  the 
affair  at  Norridgewock, 
258,  267. 

Illinois  Indians,  Rale 
started  to  join  them, 
37;  well  received  by 
them,  38;  mentioned, 
183,  184,  185,  187,  193, 
194,  195,  197,  199,  201, 
202,  203. 

Indian  Wheat,  180. 

Indians   )  people      misled 

Savages  j  in  regard  to  the 
complicity  of  the  Jesu- 
its with  the,  i,  1 6;  prob- 
ably told  the  story  of 


Rale's  death  to  Charle- 
voix,  5;  notoriors  false- 
fiers,  5,  259;  encouraged 
by  the  Jesuits  to  repel 
the  English,  12-13,  27~ 
28,  31,  40;  conference 
with  Andros  at  Pema- 
quid,  13;  espoused  the 
cause  of  Castine,  14; 
retaliation  not  preven- 
ted by  Andros  concilia- 
tory measures,  14,  19; 
their  outbreaks  of  1689 
promoted  by  the  Jesu- 
its, 1 6,  17;  atrocities  in- 
flicted upon  the  Eng- 
lish, 1 8;  acted  as  guides 
against  Fort  Loyal,  19; 
led  by  Pere  Gay,  20; 
Gay's  address  to  incite 
them,  20,  «./  the  Eng- 
lish would  not  permit 
the  Jesuits  among,  21; 
subjects  of  the  king  of 
France,  21,  29,  343,344; 
outdone  in  savagery  by 
the  coureurs  de  dots,  24; 
not  permitted  to  make 
peace,  24,  26,  29-30; 
exhorted  and  influenced 
by  the  clergy  to  con- 
tinue the  war,  24,  28- 
29;  led  against  York  by 
Thury,  25,  26,  n.;  mas- 
sacre at  York,  26;  left 


Index. 


421 


old  women  and  children 
behind,  27,  n.;  carried 
their  prisoners  to  Can- 
ada, 27,  n.;  their  confi- 
dence in  Thury,  28; 
Rale  played  an  import- 
ant part  in  their  wars 
with  the  English,  34;  in- 
duced to  leave  Maine, 
36;  Rale  journeyed 
among,  36,  37,  38;  Rale 
established  among,  40; 
led  by  St.  Castine,  40; 
to  assist  in  the  capture 
of  Boston,  40;  parties 
of,  near  Boston,  41; 
burned  their  prisoners, 
41;  gave  no  quarter  to 
the  English,  41;  French 
opposed  friendly  rela- 
tions between  the  Eng- 
lish and,  42,  43,  46; 
Massachusetts  expelled 
the  counselors  of,  43- 
44;  Dudley  sought 
friendly  relations  with, 
44;  at  Casco  conference, 
44-45;  the  action  of  re- 
assuring, 46;  attempted 
treachery  of,  at  the  con- 
ference, 48-49;  join  with 
the  French  in  an  attack 
upon  the  English,  49- 
50;  their  war  inaugura 
ted  by  a  feast,  50;  at- 
54 


tended   confession   and 
received  communion  be- 
fore starting  on  the  war 
path,  50,  51;  debauched 
and   under   the  control 
of   the   Jesuits,   52;  re- 
ceive      bounties       for 
scalps,  53,  266;  attacked 
Haverhill,     53;     desire 
peace,    56,    63-64,   351, 
352;  agree  to  forbear  all 
acts    of    hostility    and 
confess      they       have 
broken      their      agree- 
ments, 56-57;  agree  to 
the     treaty    of     Ports- 
mouth, 57-58,  62;  num- 
ber of,  at  different  vil- 
lages, 59;  what  the  Eng- 
lish said  to  the,  59;  go 
to  Quebec  for  powder, 
63;     Rale      falsely     re- 
ported  they    were    not 
satisfied,  63 ;  their  jeal- 
ousy continually  excited 
by  the   French  against 
the    English,   64;    their 
idea  of  territorial  rights, 
64-65,  76,  79;  Vaudreuil 
supplied      them      with 
weapons  to  use  against 
the    English,   65 ;    held 
no  council  without  call- 
ing   Rale,    66,   96,   99, 
102-103,  226-227;  called 


422 


Index. 


to  a  conference  with 
Shute,  68;  at  Arrowsic, 
69,  110-124;  Sevvall  the 
staunch  friend  of,  69; 
carried  the  English  flag 
to  the  Arrowsic  confer- 
ence, 70;  pleased  with 
the  appointment  of 
Shute  as  governor,  74  ; 
disliked  English  forts, 
79 :  departed  leaving  the 
English  colors,  79-80; 
Rale's  attempt  to  influ- 
ence them  against  the 
English,  80,  91,  92,  «., 
94;  they  beg  Shute  to 
return,  80 ;  asked  for 
the  English  colors,  80- 
81;  confirmed  the  rights 
of  the  English  to  their 
lands,  81;  desire  trading 
house  and  locksmith, 
82;  their  deceptive  char- 
acter, 85,  92  ;  why  they 
were  drawn  to  the  Ro- 
man rather  than  the 
Protestant  faith,  87-88; 
doubtful  if  there  were 
many  genuine  conver- 
sions, 88-89  I  their  evi- 
dence unreliable,  90; 
Rale  may  have  taken 
advantage  of  their 
superstitious  minds,  90; 
desired  to  be  friendly 


with  the  English,  90,  91, 
said  Rale  lied  when  he 
wrote  to  Shute,  91,  92, 
n.;  continually  urged  by 
Rale  to  attack,  6,  91,92, 

«••  94;  371,374,  395;  the 
English  alarmed  by  the 
threatening  attitude  of, 
92;  resolution  to  force 
them  to  make  amends 
abandoned,  92 ;  dreaded 
war  with  the  English, 
92 ;  their  reply  when 
urged  by  Vaudreuil  to 
prevent  English  set- 
tlements, 92-93,  103; 
hindered  in  traffic  with 
the  English,  93 ;  not  to 
pay  for  the  cattle  they 
destroy,  93,  97;  those 
who  cannot  support 
themselves  against  the 
English,  94;  Shute  de- 
sired some  to  go  to 
Europe,  96;  Rale  threat- 
ened to  excommunicate 
all  such  as  went,  96; 
English  aroused  at 
Rale's  assumption  in 
preventing  the  friendly 
relations  with,  97;  at- 
tend to  their  own  affairs, 
98;  will  force  the  Eng- 
lish to  quit  their  lands, 
100;  how  they  shall  re- 


Index. 


423 


ceive  their  rum,  101- 
102;  Rale  describes  their 
treatment  by  the  Eng- 
lish, 103-104;  depreda- 
tions of,  on  the  Kenne- 
bec,  105;  Shute's  threat 
supposed  to  be  to  in- 
timidate, 105;  reluctant 
to  have  another  war  with 
the  English,  105-107; 
held  council  at  Nor- 
ridgewock,  106;  two  par- 
ties, 106;  elect  a  chief, 
106;  held  council  at 
Georgetown,  106,  281; 
French  agents  active 
among,  107;  made  to 
feel  the  displeasure  of 
Vaudreuil,  107;  sent  a 
threatening  protest  to 
Shute,  1 08;  objected  to 
the  settlements  on  the 
Kennebec,  1721,  108; 
the  peace  party  of, 
aroused  Rale  to  action, 
108-109;  the  war  party 
strengthened,  109-110; 
kill  Englishmen's  cattle, 
no,  163,  304,  310,  367; 
held  as  hostages  in  Bos- 
ton, 1 10,  1 12,  1 13,  ;/., 
156,  157,  «.,  158,  159, 

319.  375^  376,  377;  Bet- 
ter presented  by,  in, 
294;  complain  that  host- 


ages are  held  after  pay- 
ing the  debt,  112-113, 
117-118;  declare  their 
deeds  void,  117;  warned 
Ral6  of  the  approach  of 
the  English,  120,  168; 
considered  Westbrook's 
expedition  a  warrant  for 
further  depredations, 
127;  to  meet  at  Nor- 
ridgewock,  128,  170; 
commenced  their  depre- 
dations, 1722,  128,  170; 
at  first  did  not  slaugh- 
ter or  hold  all  their 
captives,  128,  171;  later 
began  a  wholesale 
slaughter,  128,  130  ; 
attacked  by  Harmon, 
129;  Rale's  distorted 
account  of  their  depre- 
dations, 129, 1 30;  Shute's 
proclamation  concern- 
ing the  peaceful,  131; 
Rale  accompanied  them 
in  their  raids,  132;  in- 
structed in  the  Christian 
virtues,  135,  138;  assist 
Rale  in  performing 
mass,  136,  138;  religious 
emulation  among  the 
women,  137;  Rale  at 
their  councils,  139-140; 
forbidden  to  interrupt 
Rale  when  at  his  devo- 


424 


Index. 


tions,  140;  build  tem- 
porary chapels  when 
hunting  and  fishing, 
140-141;  collect  maple 
sugar,  141;  machinations 
of  the  English  to  secure, 
142,  153-154;  minister 
sent  from  New  England 
to  convert  them,  143; 
trading  houses  intro- 
duced among  them  be- 
fore Rale's  time,  153; 
asked  Vaudreuil  about 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht, 
1 54-1 55;  must  have  been 
deceived  by  the  gover- 
nor, 155,  n.;  the  French 
sought  to  rule  them, 
though  they  had  no 
legal  jurisdiction  over 
the  country,  155;  Rale's 
false  story  of  some  which 
are  held  as  hostages, 
156,  158;  Rale's  account 
of  their  bravery,  157- 
158;  no  match  for  the 
civilized  man,  158,  n.; 
held  as  hostages  till  the 
cattle  they  had  killed 
were  paid  for,  158-159; 
objected  to  the  English 
holding  them  as  host- 
ages after  they  had  paid 
a  debt,  158-159,  160; 
not  present  at  an  ap- 


pointed conference,  159, 
368;  English  refuse  to 
sell  food  and  ammuni- 
tion to,  160-161;  their 
patience  exhausted,  161; 
Castine  an  officer  of, 
161;  conference  with 
Vaudreuil,  162;  chanted 
the  war  song,  1 70;  their 
cabins,  175-176;  cloth- 
ing, 176;  description, 
177;  occupation,  178, 
1 80;  canoes,  178;  food, 
179-180;  language,  181- 
184;  origin  of  the  tribes, 
187,  189,  190;  cremation 
among,  188-189;  burials 
and  funerals  among, 
190-191,  196;  religion 
among,  191,  192;  delib- 
erate upon  important 
affairs  at  their  festivals, 
193-1 94;  feast  described, 
194-195;  costumes  of, 
195-196;  position  of 
women  among,  196- 
197,  the  Illinois  the 
richest,  197;  hunters  and 
fishers,  198;  public 
esteem  among,  198- 
199;  his  height  of  glory, 
200;  reviving  the  dead, 
200;  torture,  201;  prefer 
polygamy  to  prayer, 
201-202;  drink  an  ob- 


Index. 


425 


stacle  to  Christianity, 
202;  as  converted  by 
Rale,  205-206;  the  Eng- 
lish try  to  obtain  the 
trade  of,  215-216,  217; 
war  feast  to  be  made, 
218;  Rale  exhorted 
them  not  to  be  cruel, 
219-220;  mode  of  war- 
fare, 220;  are  used  as  an 
arm  by  the  French,  223; 
the  English  to  rebuild 
their  church,  224,  225; 
despoiled  the  country 
of  moose  and  deer,  225; 
subsist  on  vegetables 
and  fish,  225-226;  227- 
228;  venerate  Rale, 
229;  alarmed  for  his 
safety,  229-230;  in- 
formed Rale  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  English, 
230-231;  conveying 
news  by  signs,  234; 
discovered  the  pres- 
ence of  Moulton  near 
Norridgewock,  239; 
failed  of  true  hero- 
ism when  matched  by 
civilized  men,  240;  fled 
from  Norridgewock, 
240,  261,  271;  buried 
Rale's  body,  245; 
hastened  to  Canada  for 


the  protection  of  Vau- 
dreuil,  245;  Vaudreuil 
could  craze  them  with 
brandy,  265;  received 
bounties  for  English  and 
French  scalps,  266;  as- 
sisted by  the  French, 
280,  295,  298,  301,  312, 
322,  393;  totems  of  those 
at  the  conference  at 
Georgetown,  292;  dec- 
laration of  Gov.  Shute 
concerning,  3i4~3I5J 
act  of  Representatives 
of  Massachusetts  con- 
cerning, 315-317;  cap- 
ture Hamilton,  317; 
depredations  of,  318, 

338,339.  368,  383-384, 
384-385;  to  take  cap- 
tives in  lieu  of  hostages 
held  in  Boston,  319; 
send  reports  of  their 
depredations  to  Canada, 
319;  well  received  by 
Vaudreuil,  319-320, 
321;  supplied  by  the 
governor  with  stores, 
320,  321,  327,  330;  carry 
captives  to  Quebec,  32 1 ; 
headed  by  Jesuits  at 
Arrovvsic,  322;  deliver 
Handsord  to  the  gover- 
nor, 324;  conclude  to 


426 


Index. 


bury  the  ax  and  send 
captives  home,  325; 
stopped  by  Vaudreuil, 
325-326;  sent  envoys  to 
Albany,  327;  bring  to 
Quebec  English  scalps, 
327;  set  out  to  avenge 
the  loss  of,  at  North 
Yarmouth,  327;  return 
from  Albany,  327;  to 
visit  New  England  with 
a  large  army,  330;  their 
trade  with  Albany  pro- 
hibited, 330;  the  old  de- 
sire peace,  the  young 
desire  war,  331;  to  make 
a  peace  at  Boston,  331, 
333;  always  true  to 
France,  342;  claimed  as 
subjects  of  England, 
342,  343;  would  be  sad 
to  see  their  priest  taken 
from  them,  345;  the 
English  the  cause  of 
the  depredations,  345; 
the  depredations  of,  to 
be  reported  to  the  gov- 
ernment, 349;  treaty  of 
peace  must  be  made  in 
the  presence  of  Vau- 
dreuil, 351,  377,  387; 
induced  by  the  French 
to  make  slaves  of  the 
English,  352,  instigated 
by  the  French,  352,  369, 


386;  treaties  of,  broken, 
365-370;  claim  that  the 
English  encroach  upon 
their  ground,  378;  pre- 
vented from  making 
peace  by  Jesuits,  379, 
380,  381,  382-384;  cap- 
ture Daniel  Goold,  383- 
384;  capture  Samuel 
Harris,  384-385;  told 
what  to  say  by  Vau- 
dreuil, 387;  demands  of, 
387;  claimed  by  the 
French  as  subjects, 
390;  mentioned,  i,  337. 
Instructions  to  the  Com- 
missioners for  Canada, 

346. 

Iripegouans,  the,  193. 
Iroquois,  the,  41,  108,  115, 

116,  182,  183,  201,   252, 

266. 
Isle  of  St.  John,  300. 

Jakis,  the,  193. 

James  //.,  exiled,  14;  men- 
tioned, 35. 

Jaques,  Benjamin,  244. 

Jaques,  Daniel,  242. 

Jaques,  Marianna,  244. 

Jaques,  Mary,  244. 

Jaques,  Mary  Williams, 
242. 

Jaques,  Lieut.  Richard, 
son-in-law  of  Johnson 


Index. 


427 


Harmon,  239,  243;  frus- 
trated the  design  of 
Moulton,  242;  caught 
Rale  in  the  act  of  load- 
ing a  gun,  243;  de- 
manded the  priest  to 
surrender,  243;  shot  the 
priest,  243,  260;  his 
story  doubted,  and  he 
reprimanded  by  Moul- 
ton, 244,  260,  261;  went 
to  his  grave  the  self- 
acknowledged  slayer  of 
Rale,  261;  biographical 
notice  of,  242. 

Jeffries,  John,  318. 

Jesuit    Catalogue,     cited, 

35; 

Jesuites,     Relations     des, 
cited,  1 1. 

Jesuits,  people  misled  in 
regard  to  their  complic 
ity  in  the  depredations 
of  the  Indians,  i,  16; 
the  people  of  New  Eng- 
land had  no  doubt  of 
their  attempt  to  ruin  the 
English  colonies,  2-3; 
their  character  a  strange 
commingling  of  diverse 
elements,  8;  society  of, 
formed,  8;  followed  the 
track  of  the  great  voya- 
gers, 9;  achieved  a  meas- 
ure of  success,  9;  the 


product  of  their  age,  9; 
pioneers  in  the  work  of 
uplifting  men,  9;  pre- 
ceded the  Puritans,  12; 
in  dangerous  proximity 
to  the  English,  12;  not 
indifferent  to  the  en- 
croachments of  the 
English,  12;  encouraged 
the  Indians  to  repel  the 
English,  12-13,  *6,  27- 
28;  influential  in  shap- 
ing the  government's 
proposals  for  an  Indian 
outbreak  in  1689,  16, 
17;  missions  extended 
into  Maine,  17;  consid- 
ered by  the  English  as 
their  enemies,  2 1 ;  abund- 
ant proof  to  show  that 
they  identified  them- 
selves with  the  savages, 
29;  those  who  taught 
peace  and  not  war,  32, 
33,  rc.-34,  n.;  their 
names  should  be  held  in 
grateful  remembrance, 
34;  to  oppose  all  com- 
munication between  the 
Indians  and  English, 
42,  43,  expelled  from 
Massachusetts,  43; 
priests  driven  from  New 
York,  44;  endeavored 
to  break  the  friendly 


428 


Index. 


relations  between  the 
English  and  Indians,  46; 
had  command  of  the  In- 
land Indians,  52;  re- 
ceived medical  aid  from 
the  English,  66,  67;  pre- 
dicted the  end  of  the 
world  soon,  89;  accused 
of  lieing,  91-92;  is  no 
cipher,  96;  is  not  a  Bax- 
ter or  a  Boston  minister, 
104;  influenced  the  In- 
dians to  make  war  upon 
the  English,  in,  167; 
the  authors  of  the 
threatening  letter  sent 
to  Gov.  Shute,  119;  re 
ward  for  capturing,  168; 
the  war  of  1722  traced 
to,  1 74;  forbidden  within 
English  territory,  174, 
308,  371;  kept  the  Indi- 
ans faithful  to  the 
French,  2 1 6,  2  2 1 ;  a  book 
of  high  authority 
among,  247;  Martyrs  de 
Canada  Bibliogr,  Les, 
cited,  267;  instigate  In- 
dians, 167,  280,  288,  298, 
352,  374;  headed  Indi 
ans  at  Arrowsic,  322, 
323;  desired  a  continu- 
ance of  the  war,  329;  in- 
fluenced Vaudreuil,  352, 


353».  379;  prevent  the 
Indians  from  making 
peace,  379,  .380,  381; 
would  kill  the  peace 
commissioner,  381;  men- 
tioned, 276,  288,  319, 
322,  323,  325,  329,  331, 

332. 

Job,  Capt,  323. 

John,  Capt,  318. 

Jordan,  Capt,  277. 

Jordan,  Samuel,  Indian 
interpreter,  70;  desired 
by  the  Indians  as  lock- 
smith, 82;  mentioned, 
70,  282,  292. 

Jordan,  Capt.  Samuel, 
Declaration  of,  375. 

Joseph,  Capt,  282,  287. 

Journal  of  the  Commis- 
sioners to  Canada, 
350. 

Journal  of  the  Expedition 
from  Boston  to  Port 
Royal,  cited,  22. 

Kadesquit,   mission  to  be 

established  at,  10. 
Katholisches     Kuche     in 

dem     Vereinigten 

Staten,  Die,  267. 
Kenduskeag,    mission    to 

be  established  at,  10. 
Kennebec  Indians,  281. 


Index. 


429 


Kennebec  Mission,  In- 
dians from,  at  Casco 
conference,  44,  men- 
tioned, 41. 

Kennebec  River,  English 
settlements  on,  pre- 
vented by  Rale,  67; 
mentioned,  25,  29,  79, 
81,  86,  95,  105,  io8,,ii3, 
115,  128,  134,  156,  215, 
237,  242,  291,  309. 

Kennebec  Savages,  91. 

Ketermogus,  desired  to 
remain  at  peace  with  the 
English,  101;  obnoxious 
to  Rale,  101,  n. 

Kettera,  292. 

Ketterremuggus,  282,  291, 
292. 

King  Philip's  War,  36. 

Kingnessanach,  186. 

Kip,  Rev.  William  Ingra- 
ham,  135. 

Kirk,  Sir  David,  1 1. 

Kounaouons,  253,  254. 

La  Longue,  Mons.,  333. 
La  Loureur,  Jean,  392. 
La     Rond,     Sieur,     336, 

337 

Lackwadawmeck,  291. 
Lake  Superior,  331. 
Lalande,    Jean    de,     391, 

392,  393- 
Lalemant,  Pere,  10. 

55 


Lancaster,  317. 

Languile,  Gov.,  325. 

Lannerjat,  letter  of,  to 
Rale,  338;  mentioned, 
276. 

Larrabee,  Benjamin,  state- 
ment of,  in  regard  to 
Rale's  death,  261. 

Laurels,  137,  138. 

Laurone,  Mons.,  376,  378, 

.   382. 

Lauverjeat,  encouraged 
the  Indians  to  make 
war,  174. 

Le  Clerc,  Nicholas,  135. 

Le  Ronde,  Sieur,  336,  337. 

Lefevre,  343. 

Lettres  Edifiantes  et 
Curieuses,  par  quelques 
Missionaires,  .s^Chasse, 
Rev.  Peter  de  la. 

Locksmith,  wanted  by  In- 
dians, 82. 

Longuile,  Charles  de 
Moyne,  386. 

Lorette,  109,  in,  127,  164, 
170,  320,  321,  327. 

Lorette  Indians,  323,  327. 

Louisbourg,  242,  243. 

Louisiana,  33. 

Love,  Robert,  318. 

Loverjat,  Father,  255. 

Loyard,  Father,  257. 

Loyola,  Don  Inigo  Lopez 
de  Recalde,  de,  founder 


430 


Index. 


of   the   Jesuits,   7;    bio- 
graphical notice  of,  7. 
Lynde,  Benjamin,  58,  384, 

385. 
Lynde,  Samuel,  279,  281. 

Lyons,  10. 

Lyons,  Province  of,  35. 

Machova,  190. 

Mackinac,  Rale  at,  37. 

Macuas,  the,  350. 

Madelaine,  Jean,  392,  393. 

Magerlaine  Island,  300. 

Maine,  Jesuit  missions  ex- 
tended into,  17;  war 
party  to  set  out  against, 
1 8;  leaders  of  the  war 
party,  18;  Jesuits  active 
in  inciting  the  Indians 
of,  27-28;  Indians  in- 
duced to  leave,  36;  In- 
dians of,  debauched  by 
the  Jesuits,  52;  the 
English  again  took  root 
in,  64;  the  Indians  ex- 
cited by  the  French  to 
prevent  settlements  in, 

93-94- 

Maine,  Indians  of,  sent  a 
protest  to  Shute,  108; 
mentioned,  31  7. 

Maine,  History  of,  see 
Williamson,  William  D. 

Maine  Historical  Quar- 
terly, cited,  91,  1 08. 


Maine  Historical  Society, 

2,  123. 
Maine  Historical  Society 

Archives,  90. 
Maine  Historical  Society 

Collections,    cited,    32, 

84. 

Maize,  141. 
Malaowins,  the,  300. 
Manitou,  191,  192. 
Manuscrits,Collections  de, 

cited,  17,  21,  22,  23,  25, 

26,  28,31,32,  34,  4^42, 

63,  66,  94,  95. 
Maple  Sugar,  141. 
Maquas,     the,     350,     353, 

355- 

Marblehead,  383,  384. 

Martin,  Pere,  Les  Jesuit 
Martyrs  de  Canada, 
cited,  35. 

Maruelet,  391. 

Mary,  the,  383. 

Maskoutings,  the,  193. 

Massachusetts,  Jesuits  ex- 
pelled from,  43;  men- 
tioned, 13,  57,  315,  346, 

350,  356>  357.  364,  365> 
368,  385,  386. 

Massachusetts  Archives, 
cited,  1 68,  263,  264. 

Massachusetts  General 
Court,  resolved  to  ar- 
rest Rale,  92,  1 19,  167, 
1 68. 


Index. 


Massachusetts  Historical 
Society  Collections, 
cited,  20,  56,  91,  96,  1 1 8, 
244. 

Masse,  Enemond,  first  of 
the  Jesuits  to  visit  the 
continent,  lo-n;  taken 
prisoner  by  Argal,  1 1,«./ 
mentioned,  12  ;  b  i  o- 
graphical  notice  of,  10. 

Mather,  Cotton,  Magnalia 
Christi  Americana, 
cited,  18,  20,  22,  27,  42; 
mentioned,  270,  271. 

Matsidouanoussis    River, 

Maurice,  Claude,  392,  393. 

Medfield,  71,  89. 

Medocteh,  112,  164,  165. 

Memoire  sur  1'enterprise 
de  Baston  a  Versailles, 
cited,  41. 

Menaskeh,  1 1  7. 

Menaskous,  112,  165,222. 

Meneval,  Robineau  de, 
commander  at  Port 
Royal,  21 ;  taken  pris- 
oner by  Phips,  21-22; 
Lettre  de,  cited,  22. 

Merriconeag  Neck,  239, 
242. 

Merrymeeting  Bay,  In- 
dians desire  people  re- 
moved from,  282,  284, 
287,291 ;  mentioned,  318. 


Mesambomett,    at    Casco 

conference,  44. 
Miamis,  the,  183. 
Michabou,  187. 
Michibichi,  192. 
Micmacs,  the,  59,  108,  1 16, 

257- 

Middlesex,  278. 

Minot,  Mr.,  asked  to  man- 
age the  trading  house, 
82. 

Minot,  John,  sent  with  a 
message  to  Norridge- 
wock,  91;  deposition  of, 
279,  280-281;  men- 
tioned, 281;  deposition 
of,  cited,  91. 

Missilimakinak,    Rale    at, 

187,  193- 
Missionaries,          whose 

names  should  be  held  in 
grateful    remembrance, 

34-. 

Missionaries,   French,    see 

Jesuits. 

Missions  de  1'Amerique, 
Le,  267. 

Mississippi  River,  dis- 
covered by  the  French, 

52'. 
Mississippi  Valley,  304. 

Mitchell, ,  held  a  pris- 
oner by  Rale,  241,  243; 
tortured  by  Rale,  243- 
244,  244,  n. 


432 


Index. 


Mitchell,  William,  killed 
at  Scarborough,  241- 
242;  his  son  held  a 
prisoner  by  Rale,  241. 

Mogg,  firing  from  his 
cabin  at  Norridgewock, 
241;  killed  a  Mohawk, 
241-242;  killed  with  his 
wife  and  children  by  the 
Mohawk's  brother,  242, 
mentioned,  282,  283, 
292. 

Mohawks,  the,  97,  237, 
320,  323,  327,  328,  331, 

332. 

Montreal,  expedition  from 
Albany  to,  unsuccessful 
22-23;  mentioned,  323, 
324,  325,  326,  330,  337, 
350,  35i,  353,  375,  376, 
377,  382,  391,  392- 

Montserrat,  8. 

Moodey,  Major  Joshua, 
247. 

Moody,  Capt.,  54,  68,  96; 
letter  of,  cited,  55. 

Moody,  Capt.  Samuel, 
275,  281,  291,  294. 

Moose,  177. 

Moses,  Capt.,  282,  320. 

Moulton,  Capt.  Jeremiah, 
led  expedition  against 
Norridgewock, 236,  237; 
found  the  village  de- 
serted, 2  36-2  3  7;  forbade 


his  men  doing  any  in- 
jury to  the  buildings, 
237;  his  magnanimity 
called  cowardice  by 
Ral6,  237;  killed  two 
Indians  and  captured  a 
third,  238,  262,  »./  di- 
vided their  forces,  239; 
approached  the  village, 
239;  allowed  the  Indians 
to  fire  first,  240;  gave 
orders  to  spare  Rale, 
242,  266;  his  orders  dis- 
obeyed, 242;  doubted 
the  story  of,  and  repri- 
manded Jaques  for  kill- 
ing Rale,  244,  260,  261; 
left  the  village  un- 
harmed, 245;  found 
Rale's  vade  mecum  and 
an  unfinished  letter  to 
De  la  Chasse,  245-246, 
251;  mentioned,  239, 
247,  259,  261,  267;  bio- 
graphical notice  of,  236; 
his  character,  236,  237, 
240,  244,  245,  271. 

Moulton,  Mary,  239. 

Mount  Agamenticus,  25. 

Mount  Desert,  Biard  and 
Masse  at,  10;  called  St. 
Saveur,  10;  mission  es- 
tablished at,  10;  mission 
destroyed  by  Argal,  10- 
1 1. 


Index. 


433 


Moxus,  at  Casco  confer- 
ence, 44;  mentioned, 
68,  72,  320. 

Munjoy  Hill,  19. 

Namepick,  189. 
Nanrantsouak,  55,  93,  94, 

95,    in,    112,   116,  136, 

174,  215,  279,280.    . 
Nanrantsouak,    see    Nor- 

ridgewock. 
Nanrantsouaks,    the,    93, 

342,  343,  344. 
Nathaniel,  Capt,  318,  330, 

333- 

New  Casco,  see  Casco. 

New  England,  Puritans 
settled  in,  12;  French 
machinations  against,  1 3 ; 
diabolical  plot  against, 
15,  17-18;  imperilled 
by  Norridgewock,  23;  a 
Jesuit  who  became  most 
famous  in,  23;  enabled 
to  cultivate  the  arts  of 
peace  a  short  season 
after  1697,  42;  greatly 
troubled  by  the  Jesu- 
its, 52;  in  a  serious 
condition,  53-54;  most 
honorable  men  of,  agree 
to  the  Portsmouth 
treaty,  63;  mentioned, 
i,  126,  135,  136,  143, 
167,  215. 


New  England,  History  of 
the  Wars  of,  see  Penhal- 
low,  Samuel. 

New  France,  the  southern 
borders  of,  in  close  prox- 
imity to  the  English,  12; 
Jesuits  gained  an  ascend- 
ency in,  12;  Frontenac 
became  governor  of,  14; 
the  rulers  of,  continued 
to  plot  against  the  Eng- 
lish, 64,  65. 

New  France,  see  also  Nou- 
velle  France. 

New  Hampshire,  war 
party  sent  into,  18,  19; 
mentioned,  58,  347,  349, 
354,  360,  366,  385  _ 

New  Hampshire  Histori- 
cal Society  Collections, 
cited,  1 1 8. 

New  York,  to  be  attacked 
from  Canada,  15;  the 
king  haggled  over  the 
cost  of  the  expedition 
into,  23;  priests  expelled 
from,  44;  mentioned, 
278,  353-354,  355,  356, 
357.  3fo>  386,  396- 

New  York,  history  of,  see 
Smith,  William. 

New  York  Colonial  Docu- 
ments, see  O'Callaghan, 
E.  B. 

Newbury,  53,  242. 


434 


Index. 


Newman,  Thomas,  292. 

Niagara,  265. 

Nismes,  College  at,  Raid 
an  instructor  in  the,  35. 

Nordon,  Nathaniel,  384. 

Norridgewock,  Raid  slain 
at,  i;  the  battle  at,  de- 
picted in  a  false  light,  3; 
the  hotbed  of  an  influ- 
ence imperilling  the 
English,  23;  Raid  in 
charge  of  Abnaki  mis- 
sion at,  38;  chapel  built 
at,  39-40;  the  Indians  at, 
in  favor  with  Rale",  40; 
Indians  from,  at  Casco 
conference,  44;  expedi- 
tion planned  against, 
1705,  52  ;  destroyed  by 
Hilton,  52  ;  number  of 
people  at,  59 ;  appari- 
tions at,  89;  Minot  and 
Heath  sent  with  mes- 
sage to,  91  ;  resolution 
to  send  an  armed  force 
to,  92,  119;  the  English 
allowed  to  settle  half 
way  to,  93 ;  the  savages 
of,  excited  by  Rale  not 
to  permit  the  English  to 
extend  their  settlements, 

94  ;  church  built  by  the 
English  with  funds  fur- 
nished   by  the  French, 

95  ;  Rale's  letter  from, 


135,  174;  chiefs  sent 
from,  to  Vaudreuil,  105, 
164;  Indian  council  held 
at,  106 ;  De  la  Chasse 
sent  to,  109 ;  Westbrook 
sent  to  capture  Raid  at, 
120;  appointed  as  a 
place  for  the  warriors  to 
assemble,  1 28, 170;  Rale, 
remained  at,  134,  171- 
172  ;  Ral4  describes  the 
churches  at,  136,  137; 
Vaudreuil  held  a  confer- 
ence with  the  Indians 
at,  162  ;  Indians  met  at, 
165  ;  expedition  plan- 
ned against,  1723,  173  ; 
Moulton  in  command 
of  an  expedition  against, 
236  ;  deserted  when  the 
English  arrived,  237 ; 
Moulton's  magnanim- 
ity, 237  ;  expedition  of 
1724  against,  237,  238; 
to  be  captured  by  sur- 
prise, 238  ;  Moulton's 
force  discovered  by  a 
savage  who  gave  the 
war  cry,  239;  the  savages 
wildly  discharged  their 
guns,  240  ;  contained 
the  source  from  which 
spread  ruin,  desolation, 
and  death,  241  ;  the  fir- 
ing came  from  two  cab- 


Index. 


435 


ins,  241  ;  occupied  by 
the  English,  245  ;  left 
unharmed  by  Moulton, 
245;  set  on  fire  by  Chris- 
tian, 245  ;  the  French 
account  of  the  battle  a 
tissue  of  errors,  258- 
266  ;  Hutchinson  gives 
a  carefully  compiled  ac- 
count of,  258,  267;  Har- 
mon's report  of  the 
affair  at,  261  ;  under  the 
government  of  Great 
Britain,  308 ;  soldiers 
sent  to,  1722,  309,  311  ; 
Hamilton  and  other 
captives  carried  to, 
318,  319;  paper  taken 
from  the  church  door, 
334;  mentioned,  123, 
127,  276,  289,  307,  308, 
322,  323,  370,  387,  394, 

395- 
Norridgewock,    sec    Nan- 

rantsouak. 
Norridgewocks,   the,    108, 

254,  261,   291,  307,  320, 

372. 

North  Yarmouth,  327. 
Northfield,  317,  369. 
Nouvelle  France,  Histoire 

et  Description  Generale 

de  la,  cited,  1 1,   i  7,  20  ; 

Manuscripts  relating  to, 

cited,  15,  17. 


Nouvelle  France,  see  also 

New  France. 
Nouvelles    des    Missions, 

Les,  267. 
Nova    Scotia,    i,    2,    126, 

373- 
Noyes,  Thomas,  58. 

Obomawhawk,  282,  290, 
291,  292. 

O'Callaghan,  E.  B.,  Docu- 
mentary History  of  New 
York,  cited,  20 ;  New 
York  Colonial  Docu- 
ments cited,  20. 

Omikoues,  the,  193. 

Onondaga  River,  353,  386. 

Orleans,  Duke  of,  95,  161. 

"  O  Salutaris,"  translation 
of,  184. 

Ouaourene,  praised  by 
Rale,  1 06  ;  flattered  by 
the  governor,  107;  men- 
tioned, 97,  1 13. 

Ouarinakiens,     the,     253, 

254.  . 
Oussakita,  191 . 

Outagamis,  the,  193. 
Outaouacks,  the,  187,  189, 

190,  193. 
Owrene,  300. 

Pannaouanskeians,     the, 

253- 
Panouamske,  1 1  2. 


436 


Index, 


Panouamsque  Indians, 
the,  342,  343. 

Parker,  John,  292. 

Parkman,  Francis,  error 
of,  concerning  Jaques, 
244. 

Paul  III,  Pope,  8. 

Pauscawen,  258. 

Pegonakki  River,  116. 

Peguncourt,  M.,  378,  379. 

Pehonuret,  1 13. 

Pejepscot  proprietors,  242. 

Pemaquid,  Andros'  con- 
ference with  Indians  at, 
13  ;  mentioned,  60,  78. 

Pemkuit,  40. 

Pemondaki  Indians,  164, 
165. 

Pemster,  1 15. 

Penhallow,  Samuel,  at  the 
Casco  conference,  48 ; 
signed  the  Portsmouth 
treaty,  58  ;  mentioned, 
69,113;  Indian  Wars  of 
New  England,  cited,  46, 
48,  50,  54,  58,  129,  262, 
267. 

Penobscot,  289,  371,  383, 

384,  385- 

Penobscot  Mission,  In- 
dians from,  at  Casco 
conference,  44  ;  num- 
ber of  savages  at,  59  ; 
savages  leave,  for  Que- 
bec, 63. 


Penobscot  River,  Thury 
established  a  mission  on, 
17;  mentioned,  25,  40, 
109,  126,  127. 

Penobscots,  the,  91,    164, 

372. 

Penondaky,   112. 
Pentagoet  River,  28. 
Pentagouet,  29,  31,  40,  41, 

156. 

Perubres,  M.,  376. 

Peskadoe,  1 1  7. 

Petit,  Mathurin  le.,  re- 
fused absolution  to 
murderers,  32,  33  ;  be- 
came superior  of  the 
Jesuits  of  Louisiana, 
33  ;  the  king  displeased 
with,  33. 

Phips,  Spencer,  58. 

Phips,  Sir  William,  maxim 
adopted  by,  21  ;  cap- 
tured Port  Royal,  21  ; 
commanded  expedition 
against  Quebec,  22  ;  not 
successful,  22-23  !  men- 
tioned, 24,  57,  365,  366, 

.372. 
Pickering,  John,  published 

Rale's  dictionary,  121. 
Pigwacket,  49,  289. 
Pike,  Rev.  John,  Journal 

of,  cited,  28. 
Piscataqua,  98,  285 
Piscataqua  Indians,  165 


Index. 


437 


Piscataqua  River,  1 10 

Plaisance,  60,62,222,  223. 

Plaisted,  Ichabod,  58. 

Plaisted,  John,  58. 

Pleasant  Point,  128,  171. 

Plot  to  exterminate  the 
English,  14-16. 

Point  Claire,  392 

Ponaowamske,  94 

Ponchartrain,  Count  Louis 
P.  de,  Letter  of,  33. 

Port  Royal,  captured  by 
Phips,  21  ;  mentioned, 
10,  24,  60,  62,  215,  222, 
223,  257. 

Portneuf,  Sieur  de,  leader 
of  the  war  party  into 
Maine,  18;  joined  by 
Castine  and  Hertel,  19; 
mentioned,  21. 

Portsmouth,  349,  366. 

Potherie,  Bacqueville  De 
La,  Histoire  de  1'Amer- 
ique,  cited,  18. 

Prayer,  wheel  of,  in  con- 
tinual motion,  22. 

Prise  du  Port  Royal  par 
les  Anglois  de  Baston, 
piece  anonyme,  cited, 

22. 

Protestants,  why  they  did 
not  succeed  in  convert- 
ing the  savages  as  well 
as  the  Romanists,  87- 
88. 

56 


Provincial  Council,  236. 

Puants,  Bay  of  the,  193. 

Public  Records  Office, 
London,  44,  53,  56, 108, 
123,  127,  251,  299. 

Puddlestone  Island,  69. 

Puritans,  erected  their  al- 
tars in  New  England, 
12. 

Quebec,Frontenac  arrived 
at,  1 6;  government  dis- 
organized, 1 6;  war  party 
set  out  to  Maine  from, 
1 8;  the  center  of  French 
power  in  America,  22; 
naval  expedition  sent 
against,  22;  Rahle  ar- 
rived at,  36;  Rale  jour- 
neyed from  to  the  Illi- 
nois, 37:  Rale  returned 
to,  38,  185;  to  remain  to 
the  French,  60,  62;  sav- 
ages go  to,  for  powder, 
63;  sample  of  Rale's  wax 
sent  to,  138;  the  Abna- 
kis  prefer  to  trade  at, 
142  ;  provisions  sent 
from,  to  Rale,  169;  In- 
dians desired  Raid  to 
return  to,  171;  men- 
tioned, 37,  38,  54,  55, 
60,  62,  153,  175,  202, 

219,    221,     224,   268,   270, 
320,    321,    322,  324,  327, 


438 


Index. 


328,  329,  337,  371,  384, 

385- 
Quebec,    the    Bishop    of, 

28,  30, 

Quebec  Seminary,  31. 
Quentin,  Pere,  10. 
Querebemit,  81,  82. 
Quincey,  Major  John,  311. 
Quincy,  Edmund,  58,  69. 
Quinibequi  River,  156. 
Quinibiquy  Mission,  41. 

Raimbault,    Joseph,    392, 

393- 

Rale  Pere  Sebastian,  an 
array  of  papers  against, 
i  ;  best  known  of  the 
Jesuits  in  New  Eng- 
land, i  ;  his  true  story 
not  told  by  Charlevoix, 
3,  4 ;  falsehood  con- 
tinued by  Chasse,  4-5  ; 
calls  the  Indians  dis- 
honest, 5,  259 ;  incited 
the  Indians,  6,  65,  91, 
92,  94,  167,  174,  279, 
281,  288,  303,  374,  387, 
395  ;  stories  unjust  to 
his  memory  not  given, 
6;  birth  of,  34;  entered 
the  society  of  the  Jesu- 
its, 35  ;  instructor  at 
Nismes,  35  ;  arrived  at 
Quebec,  35-36,  175; 
learned  the  Abnaki 


tongue,  36,  175,  1 80- 
181  ;  his  missionary  ap- 
prenticeship, 36-37  ; 
journeyed  to  the  Illinois 
Mission,  37,  185,  193; 
joined  the  Mackinac 
Mission,  37;  spent  the 
winter  in  study,  38; 
spent  two  years  among 
the  Illinois,  38,  203 ; 
returned  to  Quebec,  38, 
185,  203;  sent  to  take 
charge  of  the  Abnakis 
at  Norridgewock,  38, 
1 75  ;  to  aid  in  prevent- 
ing the  English  from 
sowing  heretical  seeds, 
39  ;  set  to  work  to  build 
a  chapel,  39-40 ;  met 
Gov.  Dudley  at  the 
Casco  conference,  47 ; 
did  not  intend  to  be 
seen,  47  ;  said  his  pres- 
ence prevented  Dudley 
from  saying  all  he 
wished,  47 ;  the  gover- 
nor's remarks  to,  47 ; 
his  account  of  the  con- 
ference, 47-48;  admin- 
istered the  communion 
and  heard  the  confes- 
sion of  the  Indian  war- 
riors, 50-51  ;  hypocriti- 
cally admonished  them, 
50-51  ;  accused  the 


Index. 


439 


English  of  tricks  and 
artifice,  51-52  ;  his 
chapel  destroyed,  52  ; 
heard  of  the  negotia- 
tions of  peace,  54 ;  let- 
ter to  Capt.  Moody,  55; 
must  have  known  that 
peace  was  declared,  56  ; 
sent  a  false  report  of  the 
Portsmouth  treaty  to 
the  Governor-General, 
59-62, 63-64;  compelled 
to  let  the  savages  act, 
62  ;  gave  his  aid  to 
stimulate  war  with  the 
English,  65;  the  savages 
held  no  council  without 
calling  him,  66,  66, «.,  96, 
99,  102,  103,  226-227  ; 
could  have  had  the  es- 
teem of  the  English,  66, 
received  medical  aid 
from  Adams,  66,  67,  1 1 8; 
opposed  the  English 
settling  on  the  Kenne- 
bec,  67,  68,  1 10,  «./  a 
speech  which  contra- 
dicted his  position,  75-- 
76  ;  his  hand  shown  in 
Wiwurna's  speech,  77  ; 
artful  act  of,  at  the  con- 
ference at  Arrowsic,  80; 
letter  to  Shute,  80,  91  ; 
his  animosity  aroused 
by  the  establishment  of 


a  Protestant  missionary 
at  Arrowsic,  84-85;  sent 
a  letter  to  Baxter,  85, 
144 ;  his  opinion  and 
remarks  upon  Baxter's 
answer,  86  ;  waited  two 
years  before  he  wrote 
again,  86  ;  lied  when  he 
said  he  overcame  Baxter 
in  a  discussion,  87,  144; 
his  knowledge  of  Latin 
compared  to  Baxter's, 
87,  n.;  a  believer  in 
omens  and  visions,  89; 
predicted  the  end  of  the 
world  soon,  89;  may 
have  taken  advantage 
of  the  savages'  super- 
stition, 90;  his  letter  to 
Shute  shown  to  the 
savages,  91;  the  savages 
said  he  lied,  91,  92,  n.; 
continually  urged  the 
Indians  to  attack  the 
English,  91,  91,  «.,  92, 
n.,  94;  the  English  re- 
solved to  arrest  him,  92; 
the  resolution  aban- 
doned, 92,  103;  urged 
by  Vaudreuil  to  prevent 
English  settlement,  92, 
103;  prevented  the  In- 
dians from  paying  for 
the  cattle  they  de- 
stroyed, 93,  97;  the  king 


440 


Index. 


gratified  by  his  attempts 
to  excite  the  savages, 
94,  103,  163;  feared  to 
exert  all  his  authority, 
95;  roused  the  indigna- 
tion of  the  English  by 
his  letter  to  Moody,  97; 
letter  in  full,  96-104; 
threatened  to  excom- 
municate the  Indians, 
96;  assumed  that  the 
end  of  the  conference 
was  null,  97,  99;  knew 
o  f  everything  that 
passed  in  Europe,  98; 
sneered  at  the  governor 
and  interpreter,  98-99; 
his  manner  of  purchas- 
ing lands,  100;  why  he 
disliked  Ketermogus 
and  Giles,  101,  101,  n.; 
says  the  Indians  shall 
kill  if  rum  is  refused 
him,  102 ;  can  use  his 
own  will  for  or  against 
war,  102;  threatens  war, 
102;  says  the  English 
cause  the  troubles,  103; 
composing  a  book  to  be 
presented  to  the  king, 
103;  sneer  at  Baxter, 
103-104;  his  letter  re 
vealed  the  source  of  the 
Englishmen's  peril,  104; 
opinion  of  the  Boston 


people  of  his  letter, 
104-105  ;  sent  word  to 
the  Governor  concern- 
ing the  savages  and  the 
threat  of  Shute,  105  ; 
unsuccessful  in  arous- 
ing the  savages  against 
the  English,  106  ;  wrote 
in  chagrin  to  Vaudreuil, 
107;  sent  savages  to 
the  Governor,  107  ;  the 
public  indignation 
aroused  against,  108  ; 
supposed  to  have  writ- 
ten the  protest  to  Shute, 
1 08  ;  the  peace  party 
among  the  Indians 
aroused  him  to  action, 
108-109;  packed  the 
conference  at  Arrow- 
sic,  109,  1 10-1 12  ;  as- 
sisted by  Vaudreuil  and 
de  la  Chasse,  109  ;  sent 
message  to  Vaudreuil, 
1 10-1 13  ;  his  overthrow 
predicted,  118,  119,  n.; 
the  General  Court  pro- 
posed to  demand  his 
surrender,  119;  the  Cas- 
tines  his  allies,  119  ; 
Westbrook  sent  to  cap- 
ture him,  120;  informed 
of  the  approach  of  the 
English,  1 20,  1 68  ;  swal- 
lowed the  consecrated 


Index. 


441 


host  and  fled,  120,  127, 
168-169;  his  papers 
captured,  121  ;  his  dic- 
tionary found  and  pub- 
lished, 121,  121,  »./  the 
notice  on  his  church 
door,  122,  334;  copies 
of  his  papers  sent  to 
England,  123  ;  his  box 
owned  by  the  Maine 
Historical  Society,  123  ; 
the  great  incendiary, 
127,  134;  tells  of  the 
Indians  preparing  for 
war,  127-128;  his  dis- 
torted accounts  of  the 
depredations  of  the  In- 
dians, 129-130;  accom- 
panied the  savages  in 
their  raids,  132;  de- 
sired to  excite  the  rage 
of  the  English,  132; 

133,  his  account  of  the 
attack  upon  the  English, 
132-133:    regarded    by 
the  English  as  the  chief 
cause   of   the  war,  134; 
to  be  driven   from   the 
Kennebec,  or  captured, 

134,  167,  168;  letter  to 
his  nephew,  135;  said  he 
instructed    the    savages 
in  the  Christian  virtues, 

I35>  138;  in    I?22  occu- 
pied   the    third    church 


erected  by  him,  136; 
made  his  candles,  137- 
138;  assisted  at  the  In- 
dian councils,  139-140; 
too  busy  to  perform  his 
devotions,  140,  206;  ac- 
companied the  Indians 
on  their  hunting  expe- 
ditions, 140-141,  227- 
228;  his  only  food,  141; 
belittled  a  brother  mis- 
sionary, 143;  lied  con- 
cerning Baxter,  144- 
145,  153  ;  his  hypocrisy 
disclosed,  145,  147;  let- 
ters of  Baxter  to,  145- 

H7,  H7-I53*.  397,  399: 
his  Latin  criticised,  147, 
148,  149;  false  story  con- 
cerning Indians  held  as 
hostages,  156-159;  re- 
cords a  boastful  Indian 
story,  157-158;  inferred 
that  the  English  were 
cowards,  158,  «./  mis- 
statement  concerning 
appointed  conference  at 
Arrowsic,  159;  his 
method  of  writing  his- 
tory, 161,  «.,  171,  n.; 
satisfied  the  king,  163; 
packed  the  Indian  con- 
ference, 163,  165;  his 
reason  for  the  hatred  of 
the  English  toward  him, 


442 


Index. 


166-167;  his  account  of 
his  escape  from  capture 
in  1722,  167-169;  re- 
ceived provisions 
from  Quebec,  169; 
said  the  Indians  chanted 
the  war  song,  170;  the 
spirit  exhibited  in  reli- 
gious works  compen- 
sates his  assumption  of 
superiority,  172;  his 
lack  of  charity,  173;  he 
took  up  the  sword  by 
which  he  was  to  perish, 
1 73;  letter  to  his  brother, 
1 74;  embarked  from  Ro- 
chelle,  34,  175;  how  he 
crossed  the  river  of  ice, 
178;  his  translation  of 
"  O  Salutaris,"  183-184; 
describes  his  journey  in 
a  canoe,  185-187;  at 
Missilimakinak,  i  8  7; 
given  a  feast  by  the  In- 
dians, 193;  converts  and 
shrives  an  Indian  girl, 
203-204;  hardly  finds 
sin  among  his  converts, 
205;  entered  into  the 
Indian's  temporal  af- 
fairs, 205-206;  feared 
the  approach  of  the 
Amalingans,  206;  ad- 
dress to  the  Amalin- 
gans, 207-210;  visited 


and  converted  the  Ama- 
lingans, 212-214;  at 
Arrowsic  conference, 
214;  intended  to  keep 
hidden,  216-217;  salu- 
tations with  the  gov- 
ernor, 2 1 7;  conference 
with  the  governor,  218; 
exhorted  the  Indians 
not  to  exercise  cruelty, 
219-220;  reward  offered 
for  his  head,  221;  the 
cause  of  the  Indian  out- 
breaks, 221;  decorated 
the  new  church,  225; 
goes  with  the  Indians 
on  their  excursions, 
227-228;  carries  the 
the  church  decorations 
on  hunting  excursions, 
228;  venerated  and  pro- 
tected by  the  Indians, 
229;  Indians  alarmed 
for  his  safety,  229-230; 
informed  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  English  ; 
230 ;  fled  with  the  In- 
dians, 231  ;  privations 
and  hardships  of  the 
retreat,  231-233  ;  fled 
at  the  approach  of 
Moulton,  236 ;  called 
Moulton's  magnanimity 
cowardice,  237,  238  ;  re- 
fused to  withdraw  to 


Index. 


443 


Canada,  237  ;  his  neo- 
phytes have  no  heroism 
when  matched  with  civ- 
ilized man,  240  ;  firing 
from  his  cabin,  241, 
260,  261,  266  ;  held  as 
a  prisoner  and  abused 
a  fourteen-year-old  boy, 
241,  243,244;  Moulton 
designed  to  take  him 
prisoner  to  Boston,  242  ; 
caught  in  the  act  of  fill- 
ing his  gun,  243 ;  re- 
fused to  surrender,  and 
met  his  deserved  death 
from  the  gun  of  Jaques, 
243,  260,  261  ;  Indians 
returned  and  buried  his 
body,  245  ;  his  vade  me- 
cum  and  an  unfinished 
letter  to  De  la  Chasse 
found,  245-246, 2  5 1, 3  39; 
Larrabee's  evidence  in 
regard  to  the  death  of, 
261  ;  his  body  muti- 
lated, 262  ;  his  scalp  car- 
ried to  Boston,  263,  273  ; 
advised  the  Indians  that 
war  was  just,  264-265  ; 
must  be  regarded  as  an 
agent  of  the  French, 
265  ;  not  a  martyr,  266, 
270-271,  273  ;  much 
sentimental  writing 
upon  his  death,  266- 


267  ;  his  death  due  to 
his  meddling  with  af- 
fairs outside  of  his  pro- 
fessed duty,  268,  370- 
371  ;  pronunciation  and 
spelling  of  his  name, 
269  ;  displayed  himself 
to  anger  his  enemies, 
270;  letter  from  Begon 
to,  294-297  ;  letter  from 
Vaudreuil  to,  299  ;  let- 
ter from  Lannerjat  to, 
338  ;  house  plundered, 
344;  Vaudreuil  on  the 
cruelty  of  the  English 
towards,  346;  his  papers 
prove  he  instigated  the 
Indians,  387,  390-391  ; 
French  intend  to  com- 
plain of  his  being  killed, 
394;  death  of,  370,  394; 
burial  of,  271-272,  272, 
n  ;  character  of,  35,  86, 
25°>  273  '•  mentioned, 
275,  276,  299,  302,  303, 
308,  341,  344,  379,  390; 
letter  of,  cited,  51,  63. 

Ramesay,  Claude  de,  378. 

Relation  de  la  Prise  du 
Fort  Royal  par  les  An- 
glois  piece  anonyme, 
cited,  22. 

Report  of  the  Conference 
at  Arrowsic,  printed, 
84. 


444 


Index. 


Rhode   Island,    339,   340, 

347.  354.  36o,  364- 

Rishworth  Edward,  26. 

River  of  Canada,  136. 

River  of  the  Illinois,  193. 

River  St.  John,  number  of 
savages  at,  59;  trading 
place  to  be  established 
at,  60  ;  mentioned,  94. 

Rochelle,    16,  34,  55,  175. 

Rock  tripe,  186,  232. 

Rolfe,  Rev.  Benjamin, 
killed,  53,  267  ;  men- 
tioned, 270;  biographi- 
cal notice  of,  53,  268. 

Rolfe,  Mrs.  Benjamin, 
killed,  54. 

Roman  Catholics,  to  be 
exempt  from  pillage  and 
death,  15;  why  they 
succeeded  in  their  at- 
tempts at  missionary 
work  better  than  the 
Protestants,  87-88. 

Roxbury,  26. 

Rum,  how  Rale  proposed 
the  Indians  should  ob- 
tain it,  102. 

Rutland,    168,    268,     269, 

317 


Saco  River,  351. 
Sagadahoc,  93,  215. 
Sagsarrab,  339. 
St.  Castine,  see  Castine. 


St.  Francis,  a  call  for  more 
men  at,  35;  mentioned, 
295>  297.  322,  325«  326, 

,  330,376. 

St.  Francis  Indians,  109, 
in,  125,  164. 

St.  Georges,  fort   at,   255. 

St.    Georges    River,    317, 

342,  351,  37I»372. 

St.  Pierre,  Count  de,  300. 

Saltonstall,  Col.,  363. 

Samuel,  Capt.,  at  Casco 
conference,  44;  reported 
that  the  French  were 
trying  to  break  the 
friendly  relations  be- 
tween the  English  and 
French,  46. 

Sankderank,  215. 

Saussaye,  Sieur  de,  10. 

Savage,  Habijah,  279,  281. 

Savages,  see  Indians. 

Scalps,     price     paid     for, 

,  328. 

Scatacooks,  the,  350. 

Schuyler,  Col.  John,  323, 

333- 
Schuyler,  Col.  Peter,    the 

savages   gave    way   be- 
fore,  20;    Report  cited, 
1 8. 
Schuyler,  Philip,  323,  324, 

^  33r>  332,  333- 
Sea-flower,  the,  384. 
Senecas,  the,  386. 


Index. 


445 


Sewall,  Samuel,  57,  69,  70, 
96,  119,  278;  Papers 
cited,  96. 

Shea,  John  G.?  hisCharle- 
voix,  cited,  168,  259, 
260,  264. 

Shute,  Gov.  Samuel, 
heard  Rale  boast  of  his 
influence  over  the  sav- 
ages, 66;  became  gover- 
nor, 68;  took  measures 
to  have  a  conference 
with  the  Indians,  68; 
held  conference  at  Ar- 
rowsic,  69-84;  Rale  sent 
letter  to,  80,  91;  sent 
Minot  and  Heath  with 
a  message  to  Norridge- 
wock,  91;  letter  from 
Heath  and  Minot  to, 
91-92;  desired  some  In- 
dians to  go  to  England, 
96;  Rale  assumed  that 
his  Arrowsic  conference 
was  null,  97;  threatened 
to  send  men  to  protect 
the  settlers  on  the  Ken- 
nebec,  105;  received  a 
letter  from  the  savages, 
1 08;  sent  VrudreuiTs 
letters  to  the  home  gov- 
ernment, 123,  125;  sent 
a  letter  to  Vaudreuil, 
123-127;  proclamation 
of,  relative  to  peaceful 
W  57 


Indians,  131 ;  letters  of, 
to  Vaudreuil,  159,  298- 
299>  305-309  5  letters  of, 
to  Lords  Commission- 
ers, 301-302,  302-304, 
312;  declaration  of, 
313-315;  mentioned,  3, 

^297,  366,  393,  395. 

Simon,  Pere,  taught  the 
savages  the  gospel  of 
peace  and  not  war,  33, 
n.;  his  character,  34,  »./ 

Skamgar,  180. 

Smith,  Rev.  Thomas,  247. 

Smith,  William,  History 
of  New  York,  cited,  44. 

Snow-shoes,  176. 

Society  of  Jesus  effected, 
8. 

Society  of  Jesus,  see  Jes- 
uits. 

Soldiers,  number  of,  fit 
for  duty,  1722,316-317. 

Soule,  Pierre,  269. 

South  Carolina,  1 18. 

Southerland,  173. 

Stevens,  Joseph,  173. 

Stoddard,  Col.  John,  359, 

363- 
Stoughton,  Gov.  William, 

43,  278;  letter  of,  cited, 

44- 

Subercase,  Daniel  d'Au- 
ger  de,  asked  to  pro- 
hibit scalping,  53. 


446 


Index. 


Suffolk,  278. 

Sunderland,  317. 

Swan  Island  House,  319. 

Talcot,  Gov.  Joseph,  let- 
ter of,  to  Gov.  Dum- 
mer,  361  ;  mentioned, 

276,  347- 

Tallard,  Mons.,  55. 
Taschereau,   Rev.   E.   A, 

Memoir    sur    1'Acadie, 

cited,  22. 

Taxous,   died,    106,    men- 
tioned, 297. 
Taylor,  Isaac,  292. 
Temple,  Robert,  292. 
Temple,     Capt.     Robert, 

318. 

Terreamuggus,    288,  290. 
Thaxter,  Samuel,  353,  375, 

388,  391. 
Thet,    Gilbert    du,    at 

Mount    Desert,     10; 

killed,  1 1. 
Three    Rivers,    324,    378, 

381. 
Thurber,     Col.      Samuel, 

374- 

Thury,  Pere  Peter,  estab- 
lished a  mission  on  the 
Penobscot,  1 7;  exhorted 
the  Indians  to  continue 
the  war,  24  ;  led  in  1692 
the  expedition  against 
York,  25,  26;  joined  by 


Indians  from  Bigot's 
mission,  25;  conspicu- 
ous in  inciting  the  sav- 
ages against  the  Eng- 
lish, 28,  31,  40;  thanked 
and  rewarded  by  the 
government,  28-29,  30 ; 
a  blind  leader  of  the 
blind,  31,  39;  haran- 
gued to  excite  the  In- 
dians, 31,  32  ;  to  lead 
in  the  capture  of  Boston, 
1697,40,41;  at  Fort  St. 
John,  41;  biographical 
notice  of,  31;  letter  to, 
cited,  30,  31. 

Tibierge,  Memoire  sur 
1'Acadie,  cited,  28;  let- 
ter of,  cited,  33,  41. 

Ticonic  Falls,  238,  245. 

Tomahawks,  199. 

Totems  of  Indians  at 
Georgetown  Confer- 
ence, 292. 

Townsend,  Penn,  58,  316, 
368. 

Trading  Houses,  three  to 
be  established,  60. 

Trading  houses  and  pro- 
visions desired  by  the 
Indians,  82  ;  early  in- 
troduced among  the 
Indians,  153. 

Travels  of  Learned  Mis- 
sionaries, cited,  32. 


Index. 


447 


Treaty  at  Arrowsic,  66, 
68-84,  96»  97-  99»  101; 
of  Casco,  1678,  13,  78; 
of  1703,  45;  of  Ports- 
mouth, 56,  57-58, «.,  62, 
64,  70,  82,  83;  of  Rys- 
wick,  42;  of  Utrecht,  56, 
63.  125,  155,  326,  335, 
337,  338,  345.  349»  360, 
373,  386,  390. 

Trescott,  Zachariah,  318. 
325,  326. 

Tripes  de  roches,  186, 
232. 

Trois   Rivieres,  324,  378, 

381- 

Truck  houses,  early  intro- 
duced among  the  In- 
dians, 153. 

Tuddebawhunjerit,  282. 

Tuddebawhunsewit,  292. 

Turkey  wheat,  141,  180. 

Turner,  Col.,  31 1. 

Turner,  John,  385. 

Vanhorn,     Abrah,    356, 

357- 
Varones,  Cassani,   Patrig- 

rani    Menologie,  cited, 
267. 

Vaudreuil,  Phillippe  de 
Rigaud,  Marquis  de, 
Dudley  asked  him  to  pro- 
hibit scalping,  53;  char- 
acter of,  65;  attached 


the  interest  of  the  Indi- 
ans to  the  French,  65; 
did  not  cede  the  lands 
of  the  Indians  to  the 
English,  80;  advised 
Rale  to  prevent  Eng- 
lish settlements,  92  ; 
instructed  by  the  king 
to  hinder  traffic  between 
the  Indians  and  Eng- 
lish, 93,  103;  Ral6  sent 
information  to,  105,  164; 
his  odious  character  re- 
vealed, 107,  123;  to 
assist  Rale  in  hindering 
the  peace  conference  of 
the  English  and  Indi- 
ans, 109;  sent  De  la 
Chasse  to  Norridge- 

o 

wock,  109;  his  letters  to 
Rale  captured,  121; 
copies  of  his  letters  sent 
to  the  government,  123, 
125;  the  English 
astounded  by  his  duplic- 
ity, 123;  letters  from 
Gov.  Shute  to,  123-127, 
159,  298-299,  305-309: 
Indians  asked  him  about 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht, 
154;  must  have  lied  to 
the  Indians,  155,  »./  did 
not  strive  to  prevent 
war,  161,  «.,  162,  382; 
instigated  the  Indians 


448 


Index. 


against  the  English, 
162,  n.,  164,  165,  386; 
gave  protection  to  the 
Indians,  245;  could  craze 
the  savages  with 
brandy,  265;  his  epitaph, 
265;  accused  the  English 
of  murder  in  Rale's 
death,  267;  Dummer's 
reply  to,  267,  268-270; 
letter  of,  to  Rale,  299- 
301;  cheerfully  received 
the  Indians  after  they 
had  depredated  the 
English,  320,  321,  323; 
supplied  the  Indians 
with  stores,  320,  321, 
393;  permitted  the  en- 
slaving of  Hamilton, 
321;  released  and  enter- 
tained Hamilton,  322; 
would  not  permit  Ham- 
ilton and  Handsord 
to  leave  Canada,  324; 
did  not  trust  the  Eng- 
lish in  exchanging  pris- 
oners, 325  ;  displeased 
because  Deautell  inter- 
ceded for  the  release  of 
prisoners,  326;  refused 
to  allow  Hamilton  to 
depart,  328;  abused  the 
English  for  extrava- 
gance in  the  reward  for 


scalps,  328;  sent  Deau- 
tell to  the  Goal,  328- 
329 ;  accompanied  by 
Hamilton  goes  to  Que- 
bec, 329;  double  deal- 
ing with  Hamilton,  333, 
notice  to  the  Governor 
of  Boston,  334;  letter 
from  Gov.  Dummer  to, 
337 ;  letter  from,  to 
Gov.  Dummer,  341  ; 
commissioners  sent  to 
demand  captives  taken 
by  the  Indians  and 
make  treaty  of  peace, 

347>  348,  354,  357>  359. 
360,  362,  388-391;  com- 
missioners meet,  350- 
351  ;  desired  to  have 
peace,  351,  378;  honor- 
able when  separated 
from  the  Jesuits,  352, 
379 ;  angry  with  the 
Governor  of  New  York, 
253»  386 ;  commission- 
ers sent  to,  375,  376, 
385-388 ;  met  the  com- 
missioners, 386  ;  pres- 
ent at  the  treaty,  387 ; 
denied  having  en- 
couraged Indian  out- 
breaks, 387;  mentioned, 
5,  102,  no,  in,  271, 
272,  275,  276,  294,  295, 


Index. 


449 


296>  297,  301,  303,  312, 
379;  letters  of,  cited, 
66,94,  95,  105,  107,  113, 

IS'- 
Vaughn,  William,  58. 

Versailles,  16,  30,  31,  33, 
40,  41,42. 

Villebon,  Robineau,  Che- 
valier de,  30,31,  33,  42; 
Lettre  du  Roy,  au,  cited, 
25  ;  letter  to  the  minis- 
ter, cited,  26. 

Villemarie,  391,  392. 

Virginia,  52. 

Voyage  de  1'Acadie,  cited, 
32. 

Wainwright,  Mr,  348. 
Wainwright,  Capt.   John, 

281,  291. 

Waldron,  Richard,  58. 
Waller,  Capt.,  356,  357. 
Wallis,     Capt.     Joseph, 

384- 
Walton,  Shadrach,  58,275, 

281,  291,  294,  367. 

Wanadugunbuent  at  Cas- 
co  conference,  44. 

Warraeensitt,  59. 

Warrawenset,  282. 

Watanummon,  his  treach- 
ery in  delaying  coming 
to  the  conference,  49. 

Watt's  House,  Arrowsic, 
69. 


Wax,  from  bayberries, 
137-138. 

Weare,  Nathaniel,  58. 

Wells,  attacked  by  French 
and  Indians,  1703,  50; 
mentioned,  317. 

Wells,  Mr.,  68. 

Welsteed,  William,  247. 

Wendell,  Jacob,  332. 

Wentworth,  Gov.  John, 
letter  from  Dummer  to, 
354;  mentioned,  58,  69. 

Wesememis,  323. 

Westaminut,  322. 

Westbrook,  Col.  Thomas, 
sent  to  apprehend  Rale, 
120;  at  Norridgewock, 
120-121  ;  captured 
Rale"s  papers,  121  ; 
his  expedition  con- 
sidered a  warrant  by 
the  savages  to  extend 
their  depredations,  127; 
mentioned,  90,  91,  246, 
263,  264,  317. 

Westfield,  333. 

Wewarena,  318,  322. 

Wewenack,  322. 

Wexar  at  Casco  confer- 
ence, 44. 

Wharton  Deed,  79. 

Wheelwright,  John,  58. 

Willard,  Rev.  Joseph, 
killed,  173,  267,  269, 
369,  371;  his  scalp  taken 


450 


Index. 


to  Quebec,  371;  men- 
tioned, 271;  biographi- 
cal notice  of,  1 73, #.,  268. 

Willard,  Josiah,  58,  123, 
258,  278,  294,  297,  301, 
309.  3io,  315,  334,  338, 
340,  346,  347,  348,  349, 
353.  354.  355.  35^,  36l> 
3H  37°,  375,  383»  392> 
393- 

Williamson,  Joseph,  manu- 
scripts cited,  90. 

Williamson,  William  D., 
History  of  Maine,  cited, 
28,  236. 

Willis,  William.  247. 

Winslow,  238,  276. 

Winthrop,  Gov.  Fitz-John, 
in  command  of  expedi- 
tion against  Montreal, 
23;  failure  of  his  expe- 
dition, 23. 

Winthrop,  John,  12. 

Wessememet,  champion 
of  peace,  106;  elected 


chief,  1 06  ;  nicknamed 
by  Raid,  106  ;  made  to 
feel  the  governor's  dis- 
pleasure, 107. 

Wiwurna,  72,  73,  74,  75, 
76,  77,  79,  81,  97,  282. 

Woman,  Indian  legend 
concerning,  189;  posi- 
tion of,  196-197. 

Wood  Creek,  350. 

World,  the  speedy  end 
of,  predicted  by  Raid, 
89 

Wowurnapa,  292. 

Wyllys,  Her:  364. 

Yale  College,  173,  268. 

York,  descent  of  Thury 
upon,  25 ;  massacre  at, 
26  ;  Shubael  Dummer 
the  first  minister  at,  26, 
n.;  mentioned,  236,  239, 
279,  280,  315,  317. 

Yorkshire,  236. 


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